April 24, 2007

  • Virginia Tech, Women Writers,Dublin,Chronic neglect of Iraq vets

    Chronic neglect of Iraq vets

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    The Pentagon's chronic neglect of Iraq vets

    Military officials knew long ago about the failure to take care of America's war wounded at the beleaguered Walter Reed hospital.

    By Mark Benjamin

    Apr. 25, 2007 | When the Walter Reed scandal exploded in the media in February, bringing wide attention to inadequate care for veterans at the Army's flagship hospital, Defense Department officials expressed shock and claimed ignorance. Dr. William Winkenwerder Jr., the assistant defense secretary who oversees military medicine, declared at a press conference on Feb. 21: "This news caught me -- as it did many other people -- completely by surprise."

    But Salon has learned that the Defense Department had been conducting monthly focus group discussions with soldiers treated at Walter Reed since before the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq had even begun, and that it continued to do so as wounded veterans of those conflicts arrived at the facility. The interviews with outpatients were set up to monitor Army healthcare and provide military officials with direct information about it.

    "They were trying to find out the good and the bad and the ugly," said a former Defense Department official familiar with the DoD focus groups. "That is the good-news story. The bad-news story is they did not do anything about it."

    The focus groups were conducted every month and included soldiers and their families, according to the former Defense Department official. The interviews sometimes took place at Walter Reed or in the department's Force Health Protection and Readiness offices in northern Virginia. That office helps write DoD healthcare policy and monitors health trends among returning veterans.

    A Pentagon spokeswoman, Cynthia Smith, confirmed in an e-mail to Salon that the interviews with wounded veterans had taken place, describing them as "focus groups to gain useful input from troops who've deployed and accessed the military health system." Terry Jones, another Defense Department spokesman, said in a separate e-mail that soldiers participating in the DoD interviews were encouraged to be candid. "They are asked how well the system has worked in identifying and treating any health problems experienced before, during, and after deployment."

    The DoD sessions were in addition to the focus groups with Walter Reed soldiers conducted by the Department of Veterans Affairs in 2004. As Salon reported earlier this month, the VA found more than two years ago that soldiers at Walter Reed were "frustrated, confused, sometimes angry" about the difficulties they faced in getting adequate care.

    Until last week, the leaders of the Force Health Protection and Readiness office, which ran the interviews, reported to Winkenwerder. During his Feb. 21 press conference, Winkenwerder suggested that money was not the source of the problems at Walter Reed. "Let me just say, this is not a resource issue," he told reporters. The next day, the White House announced that Winkenwerder would be leaving his post. (His replacement, Dr. S. Ward Casscells, a vice president of biotechnology at the University of Texas Health Science Center, took over last week.)

    During a brief encounter on Capitol Hill last month, Winkenwerder told Salon he had never heard of the patient focus groups conducted by the Department of Defense. "At Walter Reed, I was not aware that there were focus groups," Winkenwerder said. When presented with details about the office conducting the groups, he conceded, "I know that they meet with service members and their families periodically."

    The official in charge of the Force Health Protection and Readiness office who reported to Winkenwerder is Ellen Embrey, deputy assistant secretary of defense for force health protection and readiness. Embrey did not attend the focus group sessions with Walter Reed soldiers, according to Smith, the DoD spokeswoman. Instead, the sessions were run by Embrey's deputy, Dr. Michael Kilpatrick. But no transcripts were kept of the interviews, according to Jones, the DoD spokesman, and Kilpatrick is on vacation and unavailable to explain what he heard from the soldiers who participated.

    It made sense for the Force Health Protection and Readiness office to hold focus group sessions. A Department of Defense directive from Nov. 9, 2000, orders the office to conduct outreach activities to monitor returning veterans, "assuring and preserving their trust" in military medicine.

    But that trust has been shattered, according to a bipartisan report on the Walter Reed scandal delivered last week to recently installed Secretary of Defense Robert Gates. "Rebuilding the Trust," written by the Independent Review Group impaneled by Gates, notes that "first class trauma care is provided from the time of injury ... and during inpatient hospitalization." But the panel delivered a scathing indictment of the penny-pinching policies and leadership failures that beset Army outpatient care. "The breakdown in health services and care management occurs once the servicemember transitions from inpatient to outpatient status."

    Jim Bacchus, a former Democratic congressman from Florida and a member of the Independent Review Group, said the outpatient scandal mirrors the larger failure by the Bush administration to plan for the ramifications of war. "To me, all of this is merely one more sign that the Bush administration simply did not foresee the consequences of going into Iraq," Bacchus said in a phone interview. "It is now a very visible sign of the failure of foresight."

    The report describes the Army's outpatient program as overwhelmed by casualties and starved for resources. Soldiers caught in its trap must fight a nightmarish bureaucracy for months or even years as they struggle to get disability payments. They often do so without the help of caseworkers, who are in short supply.

    The report also points out that as the wars go on, the number of mental healthcare providers working for the military is decreasing. The report is particularly critical of the failure to take care of soldiers at Walter Reed with invisible wounds such as post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury. "Numerous servicemembers, and their families, expressed considerable angst regarding the lack of diagnosis and/or treatment" for those conditions, according to the report.

    But supposedly, PTSD treatment at Walter Reed had been under scrutiny by military officials, according to Smith, the DoD spokeswoman. "In 2005, a second track [of focus groups] was added to become more behaviorally health oriented and specifically address post-traumatic stress disorder," she said.

    There are other indications that Pentagon leaders should have known about the problems at Walter Reed long ago. The Independent Review Group report notes that some of the failures in Army healthcare have been documented in a raft of government reports going back for years. "Numerous reports by agencies within both the executive and legislative branches of government have previously identified problem areas," the report says. "Regrettably, many of these problems still exist." An appendix in that report lists 16 previous government reports and congressional testimony documenting breakdowns in Army healthcare, including studies by the Government Accountability Office, Congress' investigative arm.

    Bacchus said the systemic problems in Army healthcare were relatively well known within the military. (Salon began reporting on problems at Walter Reed in 2005.) When articles in the Washington Post in February pushed the story into the mainstream, few were surprised. "We found that a lot of people in the military were waiting and hoping that someone would ask the right questions," Bacchus said.

    Army Secretary Francis Harvey, Army Surgeon General Lt. Gen. Kevin Kiley, and Walter Reed's commander, Maj. Gen. George Weightman, all lost their jobs in the wake of the Walter Reed scandal. But the Independent Review Group report suggests they are not the only ones responsible for the failures. "Authority to correct the most difficult issues was beyond the local commander and the service secretaries," the report says. "Yet to be addressed is the role of policy and oversight that control the budget and direct resources for military medicine."

    The policy and purse strings are controlled by the top civilian leaders at the Pentagon. Perhaps the most influential among them is Dr. David S.C. Chu, undersecretary of defense for personnel and readiness, who has responsibility for military healthcare, including disability benefits, and who reports directly to the secretary of defense. Chu, an economist, mathematician and former Army comptroller, has been in that role since the summer of 2001. He told the Senate Armed Services Committee last month he was "deeply chagrined" by the Walter Reed fiasco.

    But veterans advocates roundly criticized Chu after he famously told the Wall Street Journal in early 2005 that the Pentagon was spending too much on veterans' benefits, and they remain deeply skeptical of him. "What is happening at Walter Reed and other military facilities is a natural consequence of trying to fight the war on the cheap," said Rick Weidman, who works with Vietnam Veterans of America. When it comes to Army healthcare, he said, "it was David Chu who was running that train."

    Unlike the leaders beneath him who have been implicated in the Walter Reed scandal, Chu remains in his post at the Pentagon.

    -- By Mark Benjamin

     
    Sexualizing everyday life

    from Mann and Nabokov to Sheik al-Hilaly

    Roger Sandall

    Quadrant, January-February 2007

    Where are the sheiks of yesteryear, riding romantically over the dunes? Not in Australia. Here a burly Egyptian with an ugly turn of phrase recently set new records for ungallantry. Scantily clad Australian women, complained Sheik Taj el-Din al Hilaly, go around like "exposed meat" inviting rape.

    Of course we all made a huge uproar. Unbelievable! Who asked his opinion anyway? The sheik calls himself a Mufti and thinks he represents Islam Down Under. But the man's a brute who plainly hates western culture, who may have channelled funds to Hezbollah, and on top this he's a security risk too. Go home sheik, go home!

    * * *

    This said, maybe he had a point all the same. It does seem nowadays that you can't go to the newsagent to buy a paper, or the supermarket to buy a loaf of bread, without being surrounded by acres of glossy magazine erotica and exciting flesh. Not all of us would call it exposed meat, perhaps, but whatever it's called it's there—much of it little short of pornography.

    To be honest, it seems to me that what the sheik was complaining about is a process that has gone on so long, and has now gone so far, that it has become the water we swim in and the air we breathe: a sexually heightened moral environment far removed from most normal human cultures in the past, where once forbidden instincts, thoughts, and desires, along with grossly exhibitionistic behaviour, are now increasingly treated as routine.

    What has happened? Has a moral tsunami left our middle classes in ruins? What has been the corrupting role we ourselves have played in this state of affairs—every one of us that is, from the trash merchants at the bottom, to our most celebrated writers and artists at the top? Last December Kay Hymowitz wrote in the Wall Street Journal how when "Britney Spears jauntily revealed her waxed nether-regions to waiting photographers as she exited her limo," this made her "the Internet smash of the season." Hymowitz then underlined the naivete of the exhibitionism involved—the taken-for-granted security of the celebrity world where Britney Spears and Paris Hilton live:

    They underestimate the magnetic force field created by intimate sexual information and violate the logic of privacy that should be all the more compelling in a media-driven age."

    The sheik and his followers live within that force field—as do we all. Recently too the papers have been filled with scandalised reports of paedophilia in a surprising variety of milieus, sometimes at high political levels. A cultural complaisance regarding men who like boys is not uncommon in the Middle East, particularly among the Bedouin, a fact that is doubtless well known to the sheik. But our subject today is not the comparatively innocent behavior of desert tribesmen; it is the more knowing depravity of modern decadence. What has made us this way?

    Art and innocence

    A hundred years ago the German author Thomas Mann made an interesting comment. Thinking about morality and its relation to the world of art, he wrote in his novella Tonio Kröger that "as the kingdom of art increases, that of health and innocence declines." Many artists are estranged from life, he said, pursue goals hostile to life, and work continually to destroy the bourgeois world.

    Destroying the bourgeoisie was on many people's minds at the time. Thoughts of bloody revolution were in the air. Mann however suggested that this would be wasted effort. Given time, and left to itself, capitalism would be more easily debauched than overthrown—destroyed by the values of the artistic bohemia it admired.

    Artists were exciting. Artists were sexually free. Above all art redeemed the bourgeoisie from the greedy sin of acquisitiveness. As Jacques Barzun has argued, it wasn't long before art became a new religion, writers were revered as prophets, and as part of this understanding the bourgeoisie came to believe that the creators of fine literature and beautiful music also had beautiful souls.

    This was nonsense. The so-called artist's 'gift', wrote Thomas Mann in 1903, has dark roots in a poisoned psyche. "It is a very dubious affair and rests upon extremely sinister foundations." The world should know that most artists today are sick in mind and spirit, a danger to decent people and heedless of the damage they cause. Plumbers and carpenters and other tradesmen are reliable friends. But artists are not. And because he understood this so clearly, the eponymous Tonio Kröger (the character of a writer in the book who speaks for Mann himself) was embarrassed to find complete strangers sending him letters of praise:

    …I positively blush at the thought of how these good people would freeze up if they were to get a look behind the scenes. What they, in their innocence, cannot comprehend is that a properly constituted, healthy, decent man never writes, acts, or composes…"
    Literature is not a calling, it is a curse, believe me! It begins by your feeling yourself set apart, in a curious sort of opposition to the nice, regular people; there is a gulf of ironic sensibility, of knowledge, scepticism, disagreement, between you and the others; it grows deeper and deeper, you realize that you are alone; and from then on any rapprochement is simply hopeless! What a fate!

    The rise of the paederaesthetic

    If art increases as innocence declines, is it a matter of cause and effect? In that case Mann would seem to be supporting Rousseau's view in the First Discourse that literature and the arts are actually making the world worse. It certainly sounds like that. In Mann's view the writer stands in permanent moral opposition, sceptical and ironic and relentlessly gnawing away. Worse still: having found a role in Art he may have lost a useful role in Life. The sense of being set apart in an alien moral universe is overwhelming:

    You can disguise yourself, you can dress up like an attaché or a lieutenant; you hardly need to give a glance or speak a word before everyone knows you are not a human being, but something else: something queer, different, inimical.

    Sexually inimical too—or sexually perhaps most of all. "Is an artist a male, anyhow? Ask the females! It seems to me we artists are all of us something like those unsexed papal singers. We sing like angels; but…" Here Kröger/Mann breaks off. Perhaps from weariness or boredom. Perhaps also because the angelic songs of yearning can hardly be named for what they are. Readers of Death in Venice will however take his meaning. In that story the ageing writer Aschenbach lusts after the youth Tadzio, and the ironic sensibility so ably described, the scepticism, the irony, the extreme narcissism, is combined with the mysterious obsessions of the paedophile—such obsessions being those of the author himself.

    * * *

    Thomas Mann was a towering figure, intellectually in touch with the major currents of thought in his time, and to try and reduce him to his erotic interests would be ridiculous. His diaries for 1933 and 1934 reveal an observer whose understanding of European realities was second to none. Under the Nazis, he wrote, the Germans were becoming a "wretched, isolated, demented people, misled by a wild, stupid band of adventurers whom they take for mythical heroes." In his entry for December 15, 1933, Mann reported Max Planck's meeting with the Führer:

    Planck had requested a personal interview with Hitler regarding anti-Semitic dismissals of professors. He was subjected to a three-quarter-hour harangue, after which he returned home completely crushed.
    He said it was like listening to an old peasant woman gabbling on about mathematics, the man's low-level, ill-educated reliance on obsessive ideas; more hopeless than anything the illustrious scientist and thinker had ever heard in his entire life.
    Two worlds coming together as the result of the one's rise to power: a man from the world of knowledge, erudition, and disciplined thought is forced to listen to the arrogant, dogmatic expectorations of a revolting dilettante, after which he can only bow and take his leave.

    Stephen Spender wrote of the diaries that "Thomas Mann is a monumental figure of our time. Reading these journals one feels that this monument is made of very hard, resistant, almost cruel material: but under the surface there is a human being who, together with Freud, was the greatest human being this century."

    Under the surface, too, unmentioned by Spender, was a pederastic interest that pervades his work and accurately reflects his inclinations. There is far more to his stories than that, and we should also note that he appears to have spent most of his life in chaste frustration. But with their adored 'Hermes' (and their slighted and ridiculous women) the tales he spun probably helped to disinhibit, to condone, and to legitimise predatory behaviour that mothers with children can only regard with dread.

    * * *

    Vladimir Nabokov once joked that if Lolita had been about a man and a boy he would have had no American publishing problems—and that this was considered a joking matter is almost as revealing as anything else to do with the book. It would of course be ludicrous to suggest a direct connection between the works of these authors and what is now going on in the media and the streets. The self-conscious complexities of literary style alone would exclude all but the most determined reader from the experiences Mann and Nabokov publicise.

    Still, there it is, an unbudgeable fact of literary history: two of the most distinguished writers of the 20th century, the most relentlessly cerebral and self-conscious writers, and the most academically admired and studied writers with whole shelves of earnest research devoted to their books, gave what I shall call "paederaesthetics"—the world of belief and feeling embodied in erotically idealised juveniles frankly treated as sexual prey—an important place. A widely used Simon & Schuster reader's guide for college students from 1995 tells us that

    Lolita, with its murder, paedophilia, sadism, masochism, and even hint of incest, clearly struck a nerve in our society by violating a number of its strongest taboos.

    I'd have thought that any healthy society very reasonably should have taboos against murder, paedophilia, sadism, and incest. I am neither a prude nor a killjoy, yet rules against these things seem sensible to me. But the author of this student guide to Lolita apparently feels otherwise, suggesting, in accord with his antinomian principles, that the proper function of literature is to overcome such taboos. And perhaps in the case of paedophilia it has succeeded.

    * * *

    Lionel Trilling discussed Lolita in Encounter in 1958. A critic of high moral seriousness, he made it clear that he wished to avoid a "correct enlightened attitude" or "to argue that censorship is always indefensible." The stakes he said were high—too high for grandstanding about artistic values regardless of social costs. Detachedly considering Nabokov's literary achievement, Trilling found that Lolita belonged to a tradition of tales about hopeless erotic infatuations going back to medieval times.

    Yet to know this literary fact was not enough. After every extenuating aesthetic argument had been considered, it remained the case that Lolita "makes a prolonged assault on one of our unquestioned and unquestionably sexual prohibitions, the sexual inviolability of girls of a certain age (and compounds the impiousness with what amounts to incest)." It might be true, he writes, that Juliet was fourteen when she gave herself to Romeo, and that we all now regard ourselves as sensibly clear-eyed about sex after the enlightenment of Coming of Age in Samoa.

    But let an adult male seriously think about the girl as a sexual object and all our sensibility is revolted. The response is not reasoned but visceral. Within the range of possible heterosexual conduct, this is one of the few prohibitions which still seem to us to be confirmed by nature itself.

    The sexualizing of everyday life

    Not any more—or not in certain circles. Trilling's is plainly a voice from the past. Today the debate is more likely to concern the acceptability of public copulation or pubic display. If it's okay for Paris Hilton to make a video of herself having sex and to share it about in cyberspace, why shouldn't Susie and Jim make one too? A glance at any newspaper shows how each libertine advance ratchets up another without anyone knowing where to stop.

    A mass-market color supplement to Sydney's Sun-Herald for October 29 2006 has the Hilton sisters on the cover, while inch-high yellow lettering shouts "Hedonism is Back, How to Party Celebrity Style". The following 30 pages promote celebtrashery as a way of life.

    Spectrum, a literary supplement of the Sydney Morning Herald edited and written largely by women, moves up a cultural notch and features a story about the female author "of a best-selling erotic novel". This cites "a man who wishes women would make more noise in bed, and a divorcee in her 50s finding sex on the internet." Reviews follow, a scene from the film Suburban Mayhem showing a chesty chick in thigh-high leather who, we are told, is "mistress of the SMS, and the local boys are her Praetorian Guard." Reviewer Sandra Hall reports that "Wanna Fuck? is their call to arms" and that the young woman in question "usually obliges."

    Some relief from this brazen brutishness is provided by the writer Elizabeth Farrelly. Her essay "In search of a cure for paradise syndrome" questions the concept of illimitable human desires, and quotes Raymond Tallis's thoughts on this subject. But only pages later there's a full-color cartoon of a pole dancer getting her rocks off—if that's the expression I need.

    Not wanting to unfairly target a single Sydney newspaper I looked at The Weekend Australian Magazine for November 11-12. The cover is a bold come-on for an article asking if it is right or wrong for women teachers to seduce male pupils. No particular moral stance is adopted, and a number of court cases are examined. Yet by only the second paragraph we are treated to a vivid description of a 37-year-old woman who "wound up in the front seat of her car giving one of her boys oral sex… His friends thought he was 'a bit of a legend'. He let them in on juicier details, like her glasses fogging up."

    Civility and common sense

    Now then. Let us stop for a moment and consider. Put yourself in the position of conventionally respectable immigrants from some traditional culture—Sri Lankan Buddhists, Colombian Catholics, Eastern Orthodox from the Ukraine—who are used to certain standards of dress and appearance, who go to buy a weekend newspaper, and who are confronted with this sort of thing. We might also mention the good Rabbi and the pious Lubavitchers over my back fence, whose views of female decorum are in all important respects indistinguishable from the sheik's.

    What conclusion can they possibly draw from the daughters of billionaires fornicating on the web, cries for more noise in bed, shouts of "Wanna Fuck?" from movie stars, a female pole dancer engaged in public masturbation, and Australian women teachers who seduce their pupils and provide them with oral sex? Sheik al-Hilaly is a boor and a pest. He undeniably has a wider political agenda. But if these are not examples of white western women calling for action, what exactly are they?

    Thomas Mann's premonitions have come about. With the expansion of media mimesis in every direction the numbers of those who write and film and act and transform reality in a thousand more-or-less artistic ways has steadily expanded, the boundary between life and theatre has blurred, and what were once the values of a picturesque social fringe have taken over. Many of the people in our Theatrical Industrial Complex are very sick people indeed.

    * * *

    Getting the balance right between the animal and the civil has been a problem since civilization began. It hasn't been easy. There has been a perpetual strain between the puritan tendency and the libertine, in China, in Japan, in India, and in the West as well. Some cultures and some eras veered to the voluptuary; some to the ascetic. Alexander Pope saw this perplexity as part of Man's condition. Created half to rise and half to fall,

    He hangs between, in doubt to act or rest;
    In doubt to deem himself a God or Beast;
    In doubt his mind or body to prefer;
    Born but to die, and reasoning but to err;
    Alike in ignorance, his reason such,
    Whether he thinks too little or too much;
    Chaos of thought and passion, all confused;
    Still by himself abused or disabused…

    For Europe's educated classes the situation in the 18th century may have been as near as we are likely to come to a secular world where mind and body, thought and passion, were in some kind of balance—the various worlds of Hume and Rousseau, of Gibbon and Voltaire, of the Baronne de Warens and Madame du Chatelet—a world where both the conventional Johnson and the promiscuous Boswell could separately thrive and flourish.

    * * *

    Be that as it may, the usual way of dealing with this matter involved a common sense separation of realms. You didn't publish entertaining accounts of oral sex provided by female teachers for their male pupils in family magazines. You didn't have leading novelists advertising the joys of paedophilia. Though one should expect, in a free country, that such matters may be discussed and argued about—the pros (few) and the cons (many)—it has usually also been assumed that this would be constrained by a thoughtful choice of time, place, and occasion.

    That's where we seem to have gone wrong. An abandonment of the common sense rules to be found in hundreds of traditional cultures, and a foolish refusal to confine the sexual world to where it belongs, has led to its being indiscriminately mingled with everything else, 24/7. A burly Middle Eastern peasant in a nightshirt may seem an improbable source of moral guidance, yet in a way that's what the outspoken sheik is—and he's calling the shots as he sees them. But shooting the messenger is hardly the answer. Sheik Taj al-Din al-Hilaly and his followers are what they are. We are what we have fatefully become.

    April 2007

     
    The politics of prose

    By Kelly Jane Torrance
    Published April 13, 2007

    On the final pages of her 880-page biography "Edith Wharton," released this week, Hermione Lee recounts her visit to the novelist's neglected grave in Versailles. "[T]he tomb was covered with weeds, old bottles and a very ancient pot of dead flowers," she writes. Miss Lee "tidied up" the grave, weeding it and planting a single silk flower.
    One hopes her magisterial biography will do the same thing for Miss Wharton's reputation.
    When the phrase "great American novelist" is tossed around, the 20th-century names most often cited are F. Scott Fitzgerald, Ernest Hemingway and William Faulkner. But a trio of female writers — Miss Wharton, Willa Cather and Dawn Powell — has done just as much to chronicle the American psyche.
    These three aren't simply undervalued women who in the name of "diversity" deserve a more secure place in the canon — they should be at its peak.
    That they're not says much about how literary reputation is born and sustained. Experimentalism counts for a lot; so does cutting a romantic figure.
    In terms of sustained literary achievement, though, it would be hard to top Edith Wharton. She wrote 42 novels, all the more impressive after a late start: Miss Lee marks the beginning of her career at age 37. At that age, Mr. Fitzgerald was seven years away from death, about to publish just his fourth — and final — novel.
    Miss Wharton was the first woman to win the Pulitzer Prize for literature (for 1920's "The Age of Innocence"), but her reputation soon sagged. As Miss Lee told the Boston Globe, with the 1930s "and the radical change of style and much more openness coming in about sexuality, she began to be seen as frosty and old-fashioned and as kind of a minor feminine Henry James."
    Films have made Miss Wharton better known. But these "costume dramas" have also reinforced the very image of her as a literary antique of which Miss Lee speaks.
    The writer wasn't helped by a documentary that aired earlier this month on PBS. "Novel Reflections on the American Dream" examined seven novels, including Miss Wharton's "The House of Mirth."
    The novel is a profound exploration of American society through the story of one woman trying to hang onto her soul. It's all there — the pursuit of wealth, the American dream of social mobility, social expectations versus individual desire, the plight of women.
    Miss Wharton wrote the Great American Novel more than once. But "Reflections" focuses sensationally on one scene in which Lily Bart discovers a married friend has loaned her money to obtain sexual favors.
    Miss Wharton's career — her final novels are as good as her early ones — stands in sharp contrast to that of both misters Fitzgerald and Hemingway. The former never managed to complete his beautiful final work-in-progress about Hollywood's Golden Age, "The Last Tycoon." The latter's last novel generally deemed great was "For Whom the Bell Tolls," published more than 20 years before his death.
    But then Miss Wharton didn't fit the popular image of the hard-living artist. Misters Fitzgerald, Hemingway, and Faulkner were all alcoholics. It hurt their work, most notably in Mr. Fitzgerald's case — he wrote only two masterpieces. But it also made them romantic figures.
    All three men, to some degree, lived their lives in the public eye. Mr. Fitzgerald was famous for booze-fueled antics; Mr. Hemingway may ultimately be remembered less for his work than for his macho posturing and being the last American novelist to achieve household name celebrity; Mr. Faulkner wrote scripts for big films in Hollywood.
    Miss Wharton, who often took reserve as her theme, kept her private life private. It was the same with Willa Cather, who won the Pulitzer two years after Miss Wharton. Like Dawn Powell, Miss Cather moved from the Midwest to New York. But she lived a reclusive life, forgoing the late-night, literary bacchanalia that might have made her better known.
    To this day, scholars wonder if Miss Cather consummated any of her relationships with women — a debate whose ferocity might be keeping her from transcending a claim to the canon as a possibly lesbian token of literary pluralism to one based strictly on literary merit.
    Novelist A.S. Byatt argued a few months ago in the Guardian that Miss Cather should be considered a great writer. "Americans I met," she recalls, "usually knew only 'My Antonia,' and saw her as a writer they read at school, who specialised in 'local colour' about frontier life."
    But Miss Cather has explored, perhaps better than anyone else, the spirit that built America. And as New Yorker writer Joan Acocella has said, "Her world has so much to do so directly with the most central problems of living." She wrote men as well as she did women, with clarity and insight into the human heart.
    When Sinclair Lewis became the first American to win the Nobel Prize in Literature, he said Miss Cather should have won instead.
    In considering Miss Cather's critical reputation, Terry Teachout, writing in the March 2000 National Review, cited reasons similar to those for Miss Wharton's neglect: "Her cool chronicles of prairie life and its discontents contained no Joycean word-juggling, no torrid sex scenes, no class consciousness — none of the ingredients, in short, that literary intellectuals of the '30s deemed indispensable."
    Those same reasons — minus the lack of sex — might also be why the name Dawn Powell isn't on everyone's lips.
    Tim Page, a Pulitzer Prize-winning music critic for The Washington Post, is almost single-handedly responsible for reviving her reputation. Miss Powell, who died in 1965, was virtually unheard of amongst the wider public until Mr. Page wrote a 1998 biography and arranged for many of her 15 novels to be reprinted, including in the Library of America.
    Miss Powell's masterpieces include 1936's "Turn, Magic Wheel," a deliciously satirical but sensitive look at literary life in New York, and 1942's "A Time to be Born," a thinly veiled send-up of Clare Boothe Luce. She also wrote novels, like "Come Back to Sorrento," about her Midwestern roots.
    "These are great American novels," Mr. Page declares.
    Mr. Page, who lives in Baltimore, suggests two reasons she didn't receive more acclaim.
    "She upset social conservatives with her characters, who tend to sleep around and drink a lot, and are not necessarily admirable role models for anybody," he muses. "Then she ticked off the left because she was not a utopian. When she was writing, a lot of the literary world was left of center. She never believed in revolutions, she never believed in inspirational literature. She saw humanity in a mess — always was, always would be. ... There are still people offended by her willingness to look at life head on."
    Female scholars have championed many neglected female writers. But Mr. Page notes that Miss Powell's biggest fans have been men. "She doesn't present women as any nobler than men," he observes. "Everybody is a target for her pen."
    Miss Powell did drink heavily, but she was no one's image of the dashing authoress. "She was short and plump and unpretentious," says Mr. Page.
    "She was not great at self-promotion," he adds. "Hemingway was nonstop publicity. Fitzgerald too."
    Miss Powell's New York books re-create a milieu every bit as richly imagined and unforgettable as Mr. Faulkner's Yoknapatawpha County — and a lot more, um, intelligible. "I can't read Faulkner," confesses Mr. Page. "He does absolutely nothing for me."
    He's not the only one.
    Some enterprising soul has posted on the Internet "Machine translation or Faulkner?" — a quiz asking you to deduce whether quotations are computer-translated text from the German or samples of Mr. Faulkner's prose.
    Experimentalism — successful or not — has often counted highly in making a literary reputation. But there are signs that literary modernism — a stream to which misters Hemingway and Faulkner, in particular, and Mr. Fitzgerald, to a lesser degree, belonged — is not aging well.
    "The Top Ten: Writers Pick Their Favorite Books," a new book edited by J. Peder Zane, contains a top-10 list with votes from 125 writers. The closest thing to a modernist book on the list is Mr. Fitzgerald's "The Great Gatsby." (James Joyce's "Ulysses," often a mainstay of such projects, was nowhere to be found.)
    Frank Wilson, Philadelphia Inquirer book editor, even questioned Mr. Fitzgerald's inclusion: "It approaches formal perfection but has never struck me as especially profound."
    Misters Fitzgerald, Hemingway and Faulkner might have had more influence on American letters — though Mr. Hemingway's lean style easily lends itself to parody. But that only confirms one of our central premises — that they've had more attention. It's hard to influence budding writers when they haven't read you — or even heard of you.
    The women's influence is gaining. Mr. Page says it's pretty much impossible to write about New York artists without thinking about Miss Powell.
    Her novel "A Time to Be Born," begins, "This was no time to cry over one broken heart." Misses Powell, Wharton and Cather did more in their books than just tell the tale of one broken heart. They explored the heart of a nation with the best of them.




    Copyright © 2007 News World Communications, Inc. All rights reserved.

     
    Dublin

    Derek Speirs for The New York Times

    The Long Room at the Trinity College Old Library.

    April 22, 2007

    36 Hours in Dublin

    A pint of beer in Dublin will run you 4 to 5 euros, but the famed Irish wit is free. With an economic boom fueled by banks, high-tech companies and tourism, this compact Gaelic city is no longer the land of ramshackle pubs and baked-potato pushcarts. Stylish restaurants, designer hotels and pricey shopping malls abound. But Dublin's wealth has also brought with it an influx of Poles and other Eastern European immigrants, who are helping to keep prices in check, while also giving this ancient city a cosmopolitan face-lift. So expect phone-card kiosks next to old butcher shops and Slavic accents alongside the charming Irish brogues.

    Friday

    3:30 p.m.
    1) EUROPEAN MASTERS

    One of Dublin's finest cultural landmarks, the National Gallery of Ireland, is also its most economical: admission is free. The National Gallery (Merrion Square West and Clare Street; 353-1-661-5133; www.nationalgallery.ie.) displays works by 17th- to 20th-century Irish artists including Jack Butler Yeats, brother of the poet William Butler Yeats, and an impressive selection of Italian works including Caravaggio's magnificent “ Taking of Christ,” which he painted in 1602. Van Gogh's “Rooftop in Paris” is among the museum's recent acquisitions.

    7:30 p.m.
    2) FRIDAY NIGHT LIGHTS

    Although the culinary scene in Dublin is becoming more varied, its traditional choice of two extremes — standard pub grub and overpriced French cuisine— can be tiring. Solas (31 Wexford Street, 353-1-478-0583), which means light in Gaelic, is an enlightening alternative. An artsy and media clientele gather downstairs at the 22-foot-long stainless-steel bar with red-cushion stools. The new second-floor bar is filled with light from the adjoining roof terrace. This nonchalantly hip establishment boasts a 40-plus list of world beers (5.30 euros, or $7.20, at $1.36 to the euro) and a Mediterranean menu with an antipasto salad with Serrano ham and chorizo (9.50 euros), which will leave you wondering whether your flight detoured to Madrid or Rome.

    10 p.m.
    3) PINTS AND REELS

    Dublin has more than 1,000 pubs, many featuring live Irish music, though you won't find a posted schedule anywhere. Skip the trendy Temple Bar area and wander north of the River Liffey to Hughes Bar (19 Chancery Street, 353-1-872-6540), which is just behind the eerily quiet Courthouse area. Local musicians like Paul Doyle and a renowned Cape Breton fiddler, Jerry Holland, perform at the bar. The faded pumpkin-colored walls, the plastic plants and old men in cardigan sweaters let you know you've found the real deal. For more merriment, head to O'Donoghue's (15 Merrion Row, 353-1-660-7194) in the South Georgian area, where musicians congregate at the front of the bar, sipping pints of Guinness (4.50 euros) and playing their fiddles and tin whistles, just as the Dubliners, one of Ireland's best-known bands did in the 1970s.

    Saturday

    9:30 a.m.
    4) BREW TOUR

    Although it might seem sacrilegious to step inside a brewery before noon, consider that Guinness was once prescribed to nursing mothers and patients for its “cheer-producing effect.” Besides, you will want to visit the Guinness Storehouse (St. James's Gate, Dublin 8, 353-1-408-4800; www.guinness-storehouse.com; admission is 14 euros) before the crowds grow thick around 11 a.m. The storehouse may scream tourist trap, but it's an engaging and sleek tour of how the dark stout has been made since 1759, beginning with water from the Wicklow Mountains that streams throughout the exhibit. The tour takes you through a labyrinth of catwalks, past an old roasting oven and up a circular staircase that wraps around a huge oak barrel. It ends at the seventh-floor Gravity Bar, where one free pint of Guinness is served per visitor. If you're still hungry after a Guinness, head to Bruxelle (7-8 Harry Street, Dublin 2; 353-1-677-5362), a barley-smelling pub with worn wood floors that serves a hearty Irish breakfast of fried eggs, sausage, bacon, beans, blood pudding and toast — for just 6 euros.

    Noon
    5) LITERARY TRADITIONS

    Dublin was the birthplace of erudite lions like James Joyce and Samuel Beckett, so immerse yourself in its literary traditions. The Old Library Building at Trinity College (College Green, Nassau Street, 353-1- 896-2308; www.tcd.ie, 8 euros) houses the Book of Kells, a masterpiece of ancient calligraphy and art by ninth-century Irish monks. Upstairs, the magnificent vaulted Long Room has 200,000 of the college's oldest books, stacked in neat floor-to-ceiling rows, including a rare first edition of Dante's “Divine Comedy.” Make sure to also visit the less-heralded Dublin Writers' Museum (18 Parnell Square, 353-1-872-2077; 7 euros admission), which has the original chair used by Handel for the first performance of “The Messiah” (in the Temple Bar in 1742) and a first edition of “Dracula,” written by the Dublin-born writer Bram Stoker.

    2:30 p.m.
    6) ORAL TRADITIONS

    A major renovation of the historic Abbey Theatre (26 Lower Abbey Street, 353-1-878-7222, www.abbeytheatre.ie), unveiled this spring, will thankfully replace the Sinatra-era décor and dingy burgundy carpeting with plush new seats and interiors by the French designer Jean Guy LeCat. Built in 1904 (and rebuilt in 1966 after a fire), the Abbey had been the cultural home to such playwrights as William Butler Yeats, while continuing to promote new Irish playwrights like Billy Roche. Coming shows include Arthur Miller's “Crucible” (May 26 through July 7). Even though ticket prices rarely exceed 30 euros, you can catch the Saturday 2:30 p.m. matinee for 15 euros.

    4:30 p.m.
    7) THREE FUNKY MARKETS

    You'll see mimes, gents in three-piece flannel suits and stroller-pushing moms walking briskly past the windows of Brown Thomas (88-95 Grafton Street, 353-1-605-6666; www.brownthomas.com), one of Dublin's grand department stores. But for funky and affordable shopping, check out the Saturday markets in the Temple Bar neighborhood (www.templebar.ie). The Fashion and Design Market (Cow's Land) is where you'll find Irish designers like the jewelry maker Clare Grennan (www.claregrennan.com) showcasing their latest creations. The Book and Record Market (Temple Bar Square) sells used and limited-edition books, as well as vinyl records and CDs. And the Food Market (Meeting House Square) sells delectable raw milk Irish cheeses and organic produce directly from farmers.

    7 p.m.
    8) BEER BREAK

    In the land of Guinness, the 470-bottle wine cellar at the Ely Wine Bar (22 Ely Place, 353-1-676-8986; www.elywinebar.ie) is a refreshing change. The two-story bistro has more than 90 wines available by the glass (6 to 14 euros) and one of the hottest singles scenes in town. Draped in wrap dresses, cashmere sweaters and stone-washed jeans, Dublin's fresh-faced professionals pack the dining room, cellar bars and a romantic, street-level lounge with an onyx bar and a stone fireplace. A family farm in County Clare supplies the restaurant with organic meat for dishes like lamb burger on creamed potatoes (15.95 euros) and bangers and mash (15 euros).

    9 p.m.
    9) VILLAGE PEOPLE

    Dublin's younger, cosmopolitan set heads to the Village Venue (26 Wexford Street, 353-1-475-8555; www.thevillagevenue.com). The 650-seat hall features top acts like Tony Bennett and Morrissey (tickets around 25 euros), and the two-level space with stone interiors turns into a popular lounge and nightclub in the late evening. Expect women in short skirts and lads in button-down shirts. Established D.J.'s like John and Aoife Dermody spin techno, rock and pop music at 10 p.m. in the downstairs bar, and the dance floor opens at 11 p.m. (cover charge 7 to 10 euros).

    Sunday

    11 a.m.
    10) SECRET GARDEN

    Walk off last night at Iveagh Gardens (Clonmel Street; 353-1-475-7816), an 8.5-acre gem of a park hidden behind the National Concert Hall near St. Stephen's Square. With its beheaded and broken statues, unkempt landscaping and leaf-canopied corners, the rambling park feels like a former starlet past her prime, though she springs to life every April, when the bluebells are in full bloom.

    1 p.m.
    11) QUEEN FOR A DAY

    Sample the city's sweet side at Queen of Tarts (4 Corkhill Dame Street, 353-1-670-7499), a darling confectionery in Dublin's quiet medieval area. The glass display cases overflow with nectar-oozing plum tarts, savory scones and warm chocolate ganache cake (1.25 to 4.75 euros). And after a weekend of pints, a spot of tea goes down nicely.

    THE BASICS

    Continental flies direct to Dublin from the New York City area, starting at about $650. Aer Lingus flies from New York to Dublin, with a short stopover in Shannon, starting at $358. If you're already in London, Ryanair operates as many as 30 daily flights to Dublin for about 25 euros round trip, or $34, at $1.36 to the euro, not including taxes and fees.

    From Dublin Airport, a taxi ride into the city costs 20 to 35 euros. Dublin Bus (353-1-873-4222; www.dublinbus.ie) offers 35-minute rides into town every 10 minutes for 6 euros. Traffic in Dublin is hellish, and cabs are expensive, so it's best to walk.

    With its hip clientele and sunken lounge area, Number 31 (31 Lesson Close, 353-1-676-5011; www.number31.ie) is a B&B that feels more like a boutique hotel. Fresh from a major renovation, the Georgian town house and adjoining coach house has 21 rooms, 8 of them very large. Rooms start at 160 euros and include a full Irish breakfast.

    Harrington Hall (70 Harcourt Street, Dublin 2, 353-1-475-3497; www.harringtonhall.com) is a 28-room guesthouse in a refurbished Georgian town house near St. Stephen's Green. All rooms have high-speed Internet connections and trouser presses. Rates begin at 120 euros and include a full breakfast.


     
    Virginia Tech Struggles

    Robert F. Bukaty/Associated Press

    Students and faculty members in the thousands paused at the center of campus to honor the victims of last week’s rampage

    April 24, 2007

    Virginia Tech Struggles to Return to Normal

    BLACKSBURG, Va., April 23 — For the most part, the campus of Virginia Tech looked like any other on Monday, a week after the nation’s worst mass shooting. Students, laden with overstuffed book bags, shuffled across the sidewalks and greens, cradling cups of coffee and bottles of water. Books were open on desks, and chalk scratched across boards.

    But the resemblance to other universities was entirely superficial. On its first day of classes after the shooting that left 33 dead and 24 injured, the campus was still struggling to decide how to resume a semblance of a normal life.

    For one thing, only three-quarters of the student body had returned to classrooms. The others remained reluctant to come back or had taken advantage of the university’s offer to take the rest of the semester off. Many of those who returned refused to talk to the remaining reporters, hoping to give the university a chance to escape the echoes of the killings.

    In addition, some departments simply could not open their doors and begin teaching again. Norris Hall, the engineering building that was the site of 30 of the 32 killings, has been taped off by the police, and Ishwar K. Puri, chairman of the department of engineering, science and mechanics, said he was trying to find out whether it would be demolished and what could be salvaged.

    “In many cases, our faculty and students do not have access to their scientific data, their notes, their personal libraries, their experimental equipment or a lifetime worth of results,” Professor Puri said of Norris Hall, which holds the laboratories where many of his 80 doctoral students and 25 master’s students work. “Imagine going to work and finding no workplace and no records.”

    The students whose teachers were among the five engineering and language faculty members killed were reassigned to other classes Monday.

    Dr. Puri said that since his students were blocked from their research and lacked some of the professors they needed, some of them might have to delay finishing their dissertations. That, in turn, could mean an end to their grant money.

    The police have pulled from the university’s servers all of the e-mail of the gunman, Seung-Hui Cho, as well as that of Emily J. Hilscher, a police spokeswoman confirmed Monday. Ms. Hilscher was one of the first two students killed, in the West Ambler Johnston dormitory.

    The spokeswoman, Corinne N. Geller, said the police were still analyzing that information as well as cellphone records and computers. “We have not been able to make a definite link between Cho and Ms. Hilscher,” Ms. Geller said, “but we are still processing all that information.”

    Another law enforcement official said it appeared that Mr. Cho had not attended any classes in the month since his parents dropped him off on campus after Easter break. The official said Mr. Cho appeared to have used that time to buy supplies and make other preparations for the shootings.

    The authorities also confirmed Monday that Mr. Cho had fired all the shots, officially ruling out the possibility of a second gunman.

    The burden of finding alternative locations for the classes that had been held at Norris Hall fell largely on the registrar’s office, which tried to match students and classes with available space in other buildings.

    “They had to pull up all the data,” said Mark Owczarski, the university’s director of news and information. “You’re dealing with several dozen faculty offices in Norris Hall and several hundred students. They identified all the affected individuals, contacted them all and found new locations for all the classes.”

    Rooms in the more than 100 campus buildings appropriate for lectures were used for the relocated classes. In addition, Mr. Owczarski said, several classes were moved to a nearby corporate research park used by start-up companies.

    During meetings last week, professors questioned whether a week was enough time to allow students to stay away. University officials decided that canceling the rest of the academic year was an extreme step and that many students might find returning to campus therapeutic. In the end, Virginia Tech officials asked professors to set aside time to discuss the violent events before moving on to regular course work.

    In one freshman chemistry class, which had attendance above 80 percent, a university T-shirt and a bouquet of flowers were placed on a seat to signify a member of the class who had been killed, said Joe Merola, the chemistry department chairman.

    “I lost it halfway through class,” Dr. Merola said. “I burst into tears and had to turn it over to the counselors.”

    After a lengthy discussion of the shootings and the victims, and how to finish out the semester, the class was eventually able to move on to chemistry, he said.

    The campus paused momentarily at 9:45 a.m. on the drillfield, the center of campus life, as a single bell tolled exactly a week after the shootings. A minute later, the bell rang 32 more times as a white balloon was released with each toll.

    Some students carried bouquets to lay at the impromptu memorials scattered across campus. Three police officers stood, hands on their gun belts, in front of Norris Hall.

    Akash Patel, a sophomore majoring in aerospace engineering, who was back on campus after spending the weekend with friends in Northern Virginia, said the university had been very accommodating. “But I’m stuck here, actually,” he said.

    Mr. Patel explained that he had decided to finish his classes largely because he had already bought a nonrefundable plane ticket back home to Fremont, Calif., in May.

    Other students said they were still figuring out whether to stay.

    Xiaomo Liu, a graduate student in computer science from China, said that since he was working with two other students on a research project, he would have to come to a shared decision about stopping the project now or forging ahead with the research.

    “If it is anything like last week, we will not be able to focus,” he said. “We will meet and decide whether to take the grade or not. But I am not even sure if we will be able to do that. One group member went to New Hampshire.”

    Karan Grewal, 21, a former suitemate of Mr. Cho, said he had decided to finish classes to avoid ending his college career on such a grim note. But Mr. Grewal said he still did not feel comfortable being near Norris Hall.

    “It’s just too sad,” he said.

    Nikolas Macko, who joined other students in barricading a door to prevent Mr. Cho from entering their Norris Hall classroom during his killing spree, said he was not apprehensive about returning to the building.

    “It was a random event, and I’m hopeful that it was independent and isolated,” Mr. Macko said. “For me, that’s the only way we can move forward.”

    Sarah Abruzzese contributed reporting from Blacksburg, and William K. Rashbaum from New York.


April 18, 2007

  • Today's Papers, Virginia Tech Shooting,Cho Seung-Hu,On Line Information on Shootings, Governor Corzi

    Corzine’s Speed Put at 91 M.P.H. Near Crash Site

    Douglas M. Bovitt/The Courier-Post, via Bloomberg News

    Gov. Jon S. Corzine's sport utility vehicle after the accident on Thursday

    April 18, 2007

    Corzine's Speed Put at 91 M.P.H. Near Crash Site

    CAMDEN, N.J., April 17 — In the seconds before Gov. Jon S. Corzine was critically injured in an accident last Thursday, the Chevrolet Suburban he was riding in was traveling 91 miles per hour, 26 m.p.h. over the posted speed limit, according to a crash data recorder retrieved from the vehicle.

    The superintendent of the state police, Col. Joseph R. Fuentes, said Tuesday that the trooper driving the vehicle, Robert J. Rasinski, had told investigators that he did not know how fast he was traveling as he led Mr. Corzine's two-car caravan, emergency lights flashing, from an Atlantic City speech to a meeting at the governor's mansion in Princeton.

    But the recorder clocked the speed at 91 m.p.h. five seconds before the Suburban collided with a white pickup truck, and at 30 m.p.h. when it slammed into a guardrail along the shoulder of the Garden State Parkway, the police said.

    Mr. Corzine, who was not wearing a seat belt, was thrown from the front passenger seat to the back, breaking his thigh bone in two places, a dozen ribs, his breastbone and collarbone and a lower vertebra. He remains in critical condition and on a ventilator after three operations on his leg.

    Colonel Fuentes said that troopers who drive the governor and other state officials are given discretion to use the emergency lights and exceed the speed limit in cases of an emergency and, because of security concerns, are advised not to let the governor's vehicle remain "bogged down in a traffic jam." But "if it's a nonemergency situation, we would ask them to obey the traffic laws and the speed laws," Colonel Fuentes said in a late-afternoon conference call with reporters.

    The governor was en route to a meeting with Don Imus and members of the Rutgers women's basketball team.

    In New York State, the law allows emergency vehicles to speed if they are involved in an emergency operation, but does not extend that right to elected officials. In New York City, Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg ordered sirens and lights removed from cars belonging to 250 city officials in 2004, after one of his deputy mayors was repeatedly caught on camera in her official sedan, flashing its lights and blaring its siren to get home quickly from work.

    Eugene O'Donnell, a professor of police studies at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, said that speed might be justified for a governor racing to respond to a natural disaster, but that "an elected official trying to get a routine appointment would certainly be out of the scope of an emergency definition."

    Colonel Fuentes said he had asked the state's accident review board to study the crash and whether additional training was required for the governor's drivers. He has also asked the state attorney general to convene a special group to "undertake a critical review" of the state police executive protection unit that drives state officials, including Mr. Corzine.

    The results of the accident investigation contradict the original account the state police gave in the first 24 hours. Colonel Fuentes himself said Thursday night that "speed was not a factor" in the accident. When asked Tuesday whether he now believed that speed played a role in the accident, Colonel Fuentes replied: "What do you think?"

    "Speed is always a contributing factor in any accident," he added later. "It goes to the heart of what damage you may have on the vehicle."

    The crash occurred at Mile Marker 43.4, about 75 miles from Drumthwacket, the governor's mansion, at 6:15 p.m. Aides to the governor said they did not know what time the meeting at the mansion was scheduled, but the Rutgers team arrived at 7:45, and Mr. Imus before that.

    The police and other state officials also originally said the accident was caused by the erratic or out-of-control movements of a red pickup truck, whose driver, Kenneth Potts of Little Egg Harbor, N.J., was identified on Saturday but not charged.

    It now seems clear that Mr. Corzine's own vehicle was responsible for the crash: the pickup trucks were pulling over to the right to make way for the speeding motorcade, and when Mr. Potts swerved left from the shoulder to avoid hitting a signpost, the white pickup swerved to avoid hitting him, but collided with the Suburban. On Tuesday, the police said that Mr. Potts and the driver of the white truck, John M. Carrino Jr. of Glenwood, N.J., had both acted appropriately.

    Trooper Rasinski, who was wearing his seat belt, suffered minor injuries and was expected to return to duty when cleared by his doctors.

    At the trooper's home in Point Pleasant on Tuesday night, a man who answered the door would not identify himself and said "there is no comment at this time."

    The passenger in the backseat of the Suburban, Mr. Corzine's aide Samantha Gordon, was also not wearing a seat belt, according to the police investigation. She walked away from the accident and has declined to discuss it with reporters.

    With witness statements and the findings from the crash data recorder, the investigation on Tuesday offered the most detailed account to date of last Thursday's events.

    After the white pickup truck collided with the governor's vehicle, Trooper Rasinski lost control of the Suburban and it careered toward the wooded center median, investigators found. As Trooper Rasinski tried to steer away from the woods, the Suburban slid clockwise from the paved roadway and shoulder, and the passenger side collided with the end of a steel guardrail. The guardrail sliced into the passenger compartment, just in front of where Mr. Corzine's legs would have been, and narrowly missed both the governor and the trooper as the Suburban spun and came to rest with its back portion on top of the guardrail.

    Although the impact was on the passenger side, the only airbag to deploy was the side curtain bag between Trooper Rasinski and the driver's-side door, according to Capt. Al Della Fave, a State Police spokesman. It was unclear whether the passenger side airbags had been disabled.

    The speed limit on New Jersey highways was raised to 65 from 55 in 1998. Governor Corzine floated the idea of lowering it last year as part of an environmental package, but quickly dropped the idea in the face of public opposition.

    The police had hoped to complete the investigation early this week, but are waiting to interview Governor Corzine, who is unable to speak because he is heavily sedated and has breathing and feeding tubes in his throat.

    After completing the third operation on Mr. Corzine's leg wound on Monday, doctors said they wanted to remove the breathing tube within a day to reduce the chance that Mr. Corzine might be exposed to pneumonia or other potentially life-threatening infections.

    Late Tuesday, however, Mr. Corzine's staff said that doctors had decided not to remove the tube yet, without providing any information as to why. Anthony Coley, Mr. Corzine's communications director, said that Mr. Corzine "was showing improvement from a respiratory perspective" and was able to respond to doctors' questions by nodding.

    Reporting was contributed by Ken Belson and Cara Buckley in New York, David W. Chen in Trenton, and Nate Schweber in Camden and Point Pleasant, N.J.


     
     
     

     

    Campus Goes Online

    April 17, 2007

    Campus Goes Online for Information and Comfort

    For the Virginia Tech community, changing information created emotional roller coasters both during and after Monday's attack by a gunman who killed 32 people and then himself.

    Initial warnings of caution belied the ultimate massacre. Likewise, the search for missing people left friends and loved ones relying on gossip and speculation.

    Fueled by technology, the level of available information — just enough to cause fear, but not enough to really know — has been contributing to both false hope and unnecessary anguish among those involved.

    Lauren McCain, a freshman majoring in international studies, according to her MySpace profile, was among those unaccounted for in the immediate wake of the shootings. Her friends' efforts to figure out what happened to her are heart-wrenching, and outsiders can go along for the rollercoaster ride, eavesdropping through Facebook and other forums.

    Courtney Treon, a high school student, started a thread within a Facebook group called Prayers for VT" asking for "any kind of information on Lauren McCain." Posting at around 11 p.m. on Monday, she added, "It is believed that she was at Norris Hall at the time of the shooting and she is missing at the moment."

    Over the next 14 hours, friends and acquaintances responded with bits of information from various sources. Shortly after the original posting, someone reported that she was either dead or at the hospital. Then she was in critical condition. People posted expressions of relief, and the discussion seemed to subside.

    But before noon on Tuesday, Alex Grant posted a conversation indicating that unidentified bodies remained in Norris Hall, and that Ms. McCain was neither in the hospital nor the morgue. By around 1 p.m., Rachael Leach wrote in: "My roommate is her friend, and she called me this morning to tell me Lauren was identifiable and dead. Pray for that situation."

    At 4:37 p.m. Ms. Treon posted at a different Facebook group that she started, VT Victim Information: Lauren McCain is not alive. She was not found at the hospital or the morgue. Since Norris Hall was locked down for the night, her parents are not able to identify her body...

    Tuesday evening, Ms. McCain was listed among those confirmed dead on the Web site of The Collegiate Times, the student newspaper at Virginia Tech.

    For other families, worst fears turned out not to be warranted.

    "When I looked at the map of where our daughter is staying and where her dorm lies in the path of the shootings — where the gunman may have traveled to get to Norris Hall, my wife and I were just torn emotionally during the news casts like other Virginia Tech parents," wrote William S. on an "Online Vigil" run by The Virginian-Pilot. "But now that she is safe, we can only feel sadness for those victims of this senseless act and the pain their families are going through."

    Paul, a Virginia Tech student, blogged about searching for his girlfriend, Katelyn Carney:

    "I try calling Kate but she isn't answering her phone. I am assuming she is in Mcbride because I have had a few German classes in that building but I'm not sure. We check her schedule to find out that she in fact had her German class in Norris Hall. Now I'm freaked out, and franticly try to call her, but she isn't picking up.

    "Fast forward a couple minutes, I get a call from Montgomery Hospital. A very kind nurse wanted to give me a message from Katelyn Carney. I obviously oblige and ask what the message is. She says, ok, the message is 'I've got red on me.' Of course I instantly think, what a hilarious thing to say in a situation like this, but at the same time, I'm now MORE worried than I was before, and ask the nurse if she is able to patch me through to Kate.

    "Right as she picks up the phone she tells me, 'I got red on me.' I laugh, and immediately try to find out if she's hurt or what to expect, and she lets me know that she's fine, stable, good, not hurt ... only slightly. "Technology failed some students at key moments. On a forum at FARK.com, user WhenWillThenBeNow wrote at 12:47 p.m. on Monday, "But I live on campus ... we are getting nothing, and just as they had announced that there were 20+ dead, everyone on campus lost cable ... just saying."

    The university's failure to keep students updated during the two hours between shootings has drawn considerable criticism. "Ironic," writes RonJ, a Virginia Tech employee, "that we've been having meetings about redesigning our emergency notification systems, to be able to include mass-blasting cell phones and stuff. I suspect that will be made a higher priority."

    But while technology failures left some on campus in the dark, it did help Ms. Treon, who attends Loudon Valley High School, over 200 miles away, feel connected. She said that after she created her victim-search Facebook group, a relative of Ms. McCain asked for her help.

    "Throughout the night, I kept saying, 'This is amazing, just amazing' at the outpour of love and support that I was receiving from strangers," she wrote in a Facebook message to NYTimes.com. "My heart aches at" the most recent information about Ms. McCain, she said, "because throughout the hours last night, I came to a real connection with her, and I felt like I was one of her friends."


     

    Updates on Virginia Tech

    Tag:

    Late Afternoon News Briefing | 4:41 PM ET

    NBC received mail today from Cho Seung-Cho, the superintendent of Virginia's state police announced.

    The package, which included photographs, text and video, was sent via U.S. mail, NBC said. And the network also said it appeared to be sent between the first and second shootings. More on the timing of the mailing from The A.P.:

    The package, time-stamped and mailed in the two-hour window between Monday's shootings, was sent to NBC News head Steve Capus. It contained digital photos of the gunman holding weapons and a manifesto that "rants against rich people and warns that he wants to get even," according to a New York law enforcement official familiar with the case, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak publicly about it.

    The network immediately turned it over to authorities, and the F.B.I. is currently analyzing it, said the superintendent, Steve Flaherty.

    NBC Nightly News plans on reporting on it tonight.

     

    Police Questioned Him, No Charges Were Pressed

    Todd Heisler/The New York Times

    A candlelight vigil on the campus of Virginia Tech on Tuesday night.

    April 18, 2007

    Police Questioned Him, No Charges Were Pressed

    Two female students at Virginia Polytechnic Institute complained to authorities about the behavior of Cho Seung-Hui, the killer in the shooting rampage there, when he contacted them in separate incidents in 2005. Police questioned Mr. Cho and he was sent to a mental health facility, but no charges were filed against him.

    A Virginia court document said that in 2005 a special justice in Virginia declared Mr. Cho mentally ill and an "imminent danger to others," a CNN report said.

    The new information, disclosed by police in a news conference today, raises questions about whether warning signs about Mr. Cho's behavior and problems were handled effectively by police and the university.

    The police today revealed further details about the 23-year-old student who was the gunman in the shooting rampage that left 33 dead, including himself. Also in 2005, Lucinda Roy, an English professor, shared her concerns about Mr. Cho with the Virginia Tech police, but no official report was filed. The writings did not express threatening intentions, or allude to criminal activity, the police said today.

    In the incidents involving the female students, the police said that in late November 2005, Mr. Cho contacted a fellow female student, by phone and in person, and she notified the campus police. She later declined to press charges, but officers spoke with Mr. Cho, who was referred to the University's disciplinary system.

    On December 12, 2005, a second female student complained to the police about an instant message Mr. Cho sent to her by computer. The police then spoke with Mr. Cho and asked him to have no further contact with the student. The police said the message was not threatening, and the student characterized it as "annoying."The police spoke with acquaintances of Mr. Cho's and became concerned that Mr. Cho might be suicidal. Officers suggested to Mr. Cho that he speak to a counselor and he did so. He went voluntarily to the police department and, based on his meeting with the counselor, a temporary detention order was obtained and Mr. Cho was taken to a mental health facility, Carilion Saint Albans Behavioral Health Center.

    Neither of the female students who complained about Mr. Cho were among the shooting victims, and the police said they did not know if they were in the vicinity of the shootings.

    There were no further referrals to the police before Mr. Cho was named on Tuesday in connection with the deaths of the students and teachers on the sprawling campus.

    Classes at Virginia Tech have been canceled this week, and Norris Hall has been closed for the rest of the semester. Students are mourning their friends and teachers who were killed, and many of them have left campus to stay elsewhere.

    "A lot of people went to friends' apartments and stayed with them because they didn't want to be in the dorm," said Karen Kirk, 19, a student from Norfolk, Va., who lives in West Ambler Johnston Hall where the first shootings took place.

    The campus was tense this morning when the police cleared a building, Burruss Hall, where the office of the university president is located after a campus operator received a threat against him. But reports of a suspicious person were later determined to be unfounded.

    "Reports of this kind are not uncommon in the wake of what has taken place in the past 48 hours on the Virginia Tech campus, which is one reason why there is high police visibility throughout the campus," said Chief W.R. Flinchum, of the Virginia Tech Police.

    In all, 33 people died Monday, including four faculty members. Victims included Liviu Librescu, a Holocaust survivor, and Reema Samaha, a freshman and a devoted dancer. President Bush, who attended a solemn convocation on the campus on Tuesday, spoke today at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in memory of the 32 dead, recalling the bravery of Mr. Librescu and other acts of courage.

    "With the gunman set to enter his class, this brave professor blocked the door with his body while his students fled to safety," Mr. Bush said. "On the Day of Remembrance, this Holocaust survivor gave his own life so that others might live. And this morning we honor his memory, and we take strength from his example."

    Mr. Cho has been described as a troubled young man known by few on campus.

    Federal investigators said Mr. Cho — a South Korean immigrant who Americanized his name and preferred to be known as Seung Cho — left behind a note that they described as a lengthy, rambling and bitter list of complaints focusing on moral laxity and double-dealing he found among what he viewed as wealthier and more privileged students on campus.

    New information has emerged that may help explain a fateful two-hour delay by university officials in warning the campus of a gunman at large. According to search warrants and statements from the police, campus investigators had been busy pursuing what appears to have been a fruitless lead in the first of two shooting episodes Monday.

    After two people, Emily Jane Hilscher, a freshman, and Ryan Clark, the resident adviser whose room was nearby in the dormitory, were shot dead, the campus police began searching for Karl D. Thornhill, who was described in Internet memorials as Ms. Hilscher's boyfriend.

    The police said this morning they were trying to determine if there was a connection between Mr. Cho and Ms. Hilscher.

    According to a search warrant filed by the police, Ms. Hilscher's roommate had told the police that Mr. Thornhill, a student at nearby Radford University, had guns at his town house. The roommate told the police that she had recently been at a shooting range with Mr. Thornhill, the affidavit said, leading the police to believe he may have been the gunman.

    But as they were questioning Mr. Thornhill, reports of widespread shooting at Norris Hall came in, making it clear that they had not contained the threat on campus. Mr. Thornhill was not arrested, although he continues to be an important witness in the case, the police said.

    In the news conference today, the police said that he was never held and that he was not a "person of interest," defined as more than a witness and less than a suspect.

    At the time of the dormitory shootings, Col. W. Steven Flaherty, the superintendent of the Virginia State Police, said, "There was certainly no evidence or no reason to think that there was anyone else at that particular point in time."

    State officials continued to defend the actions of the campus authorities. John W. Marshall, the Virginia secretary of public safety, said Charles W. Steger, the president of Virginia Tech, and Chief Wendell Flinchum of the campus police "made the right decisions based on the best information that they had available at the time."

    Gov. Timothy M. Kaine said today he was appointing Col. W. Gerald Massengill, former superintendent of Virginia State Police, to head the independent panel that would conduct a review of the university's response. Colonel Massengill was the superintendent of the Virginia State Police during the 2002 sniper shootings in the state.

    After the shootings, the state police executed another search warrant, this time for Mr. Cho's dormitory room. The warrant said a bomb threat against the engineering school buildings was found near Mr. Cho's body. The warrant mentioned two other bomb threat notes against the campus received over the past three weeks.

    Mr. Cho had used two handguns, a 9-millimeter and a .22-caliber, to shoot dozens of rounds, leaving even those who survived with multiple bullet wounds, officials said. The guns were bought legally in March and April. Colonel Flaherty said that although one of those guns had been used in the dormitory shooting, investigators were not ready to conclude that the same gunman was responsible for both episodes. But he said there was no evidence of another gunman or an accomplice.

    Among the central unknowns is what prompted the gunman to move to Norris Hall, which contains engineering and other classrooms, where all but the first two killings took place. The authorities said Mr. Cho's preparations, including chaining the doors, suggested planning and premeditation, rather than a spontaneous event.

    Bodies were found in four classrooms and the stairwell of the building, Colonel Flaherty said.

    Officers also found several knives on Mr. Cho's body. They first identified him by a driver's license found in a backpack near the scene of the shootings, although it was not clear at first whether the backpack belonged to the gunman. But the name was checked against a visa application, and when a fingerprint on one of the weapons matched a print on the visa application, the authorities made a positive identification. The print matched another print left in the first shooting location.

    Prescription medications said to be related to treatment of psychological problems were found among Mr. Cho's effects, but officials did not specify what drugs they were.

    In addition, investigators were reviewing recent bomb threats at the university in an effort to determine whether the gunman might have been involved in them, as an effort to test the university's emergency response procedures.

    Ms. Roy said Mr. Cho's writing, laced with anger, profanity and violence, concerned several faculty members. In 2005, she sent examples to the campus police, the campus counseling service and other officials. All were worried, but little could be done, she said.

    Ms. Roy said she would offer to go with Mr. Cho to counseling, just to talk. "But he wouldn't say yes, and unfortunately I couldn't force him to do it," she said. Students were also alarmed that Mr. Cho was taking inappropriate pictures of women under desks, she said.

    Nikki Giovanni, whose poetry classes Mr. Cho attended in 2005, said today that other students had left the class because of Mr. Cho, and she was so concerned about his behavior that she wrote to Ms. Roy about it.

    "I was willing to resign before I was going to continue with him," Ms. Giovanni said in an interview with CNN. "People just quit coming to class, a couple of students absolutely quit coming to class."

    Ms. Roy said she contacted the campus police, student affairs, counseling services, the college, and the police, who offered to provide security for Ms. Giovanni during classes, but she declined. The police would take no further action because Mr. Cho's works contained no direct threats, she said.

    Ms. Roy told CNN that she "felt strongly that he was suicidal." She said talking to him was "like talking to a hole ... that he was not really there."

    Ms. Giovanni said Mr. Cho did not scare her, but she once instructed him to stop his disturbing writings. "He said 'You can't make me,' and I said 'Yeah, I can.'"

    "This was not a poem ....he was writing, just weird things," she added. "I don't know if I'm allowed to say what he was writing about. I saw the plays, but he was writing poetry, it was terrible, it was not like poetry, it was intimidating."

    Shaila Dewan, John M. Broder and Sarah Abruzzese contributed reporting for this article.


     

    Today's Papers

    Warning Signs
    By Daniel Politi
    Posted Wednesday, April 18, 2007, at 6:12 A.M. E.T.

    Monday's massacre at Virginia Tech continues to dominate the front pages this morning, as attention now turns to the student who was identified as the shooter and his victims. The Washington Post and Los Angeles Times lead with a look at Cho Seung-Hui, the 23-year-old English major who was identified as the gunman. As soon as his name became public, students and professors came forward to say they had frequently harbored concerns about the South Korean immigrant who barely spoke a word to anyone, didn't seem to have any friends, and wrote bizarrely violent assignments for class.

    The New York Times leads with information released yesterday that gets closer to explaining why university officials took more than two hours to warn students there was a gunman on campus after the first two people were killed in a dormitory. It seems that, as some initially suspected, police and campus authorities were busy pursuing someone else they thought was responsible. USA Today leads, and the Wall Street Journal tops its world-wide newsbox, with yesterday's memorial services at the Virginia Tech campus. President Bush spoke at the university yesterday afternoon and urged members of the community to "reach out to those who ache for sons and daughters who are never coming home."

    As the identity of the gunman was revealed, it became clear there had been warning signs, and some had even raised their concerns to university officials. Everyone quotes poet Nikki Giovanni, who appears to have been the first to have voiced worries about Cho when he was a student in her creative writing class in the fall of 2005. Giovanni says Cho frequently turned in assignments that she found disturbing (yesterday, AOL posted two plays Cho allegedly wrote for a class). "Kids write about murder and suicide all the time. But there was something that made all of us pay attention closely," Giovanni said.

    At one point, most of Giovanni's students didn't show up for her class, supposedly because they were afraid of Cho. As a result, the chairwoman of the English department, Lucinda Roy, agreed to teach Cho privately. The NYT says Roy was so nervous about being alone with Cho that she set up a system so that her assistant would know if she was in trouble. Roy shared her concerns with university officials but they said that nothing could be done since there were no specific threats.

    By all accounts, Cho barely ever spoke a single word to anybody and always seemed to hide behind a hat and sunglasses. He shared a three-bedroom suite with five roommates, and the LAT says there was such little communication between them that some didn't even know how to pronounce Cho's name. One of his roommates said Cho's routine began to change a few weeks ago as he cut his hair into a military-style cut and started waking up earlier and going to the gym.

    The Post says police found two three-page notes in Cho's room in which he bitterly wrote about wealthy students and even named people whom he believed had kept him from succeeding. While searching his room, officials also found prescription medicine that apparently was used to treat mental health problems. It is now believed that Cho was responsible for the recent bomb threats at the university.

    Cho bought the two guns he used in the shooting rampage legally. Although officials have not been able to confirm that Cho also killed the two students in the dorm earlier in the day, the same 9 mm weapon was used. Assuming Cho was responsible for the first shooting, it's unclear why he would have targeted the student and the resident adviser at that particular dorm. The LAT talks to the roommate of the first victim and she says her friend did not know Cho, and has no idea why she was a target.

    The roommate said that when police came to question her right after the shooting she told them about the victim's boyfriend and described him as a gun user. That appears to have led police to focus their energies on searching for the boyfriend without realizing that a gunman was still at large. This leads to two of the largest unanswered questions in the case: Assuming Cho was responsible for both shootings, why did he take a two-hour break and what did he do during that time? Also, could Cho have had an accomplice? The NYT goes inside with experts speculating what the delay between the first and second shooting could mean.

    Meanwhile, as criticism of the university's response to the first shooting continued to increase, Virginia Tech's president asked Gov. Timothy Kaine to appoint an independent committee to review Monday's events. The committee will also look at whether university officials should have paid more attention to the warnings about Cho.

    All the papers write heart-wrenching stories about the victims. The WSJ goes high with, and everyone else writes about, Liviu Librescu, a Holocaust survivor who was a well-known professor of aerospace engineering. He was killed while trying to prevent the shooter from entering his classroom, which gave students time to jump out the window. And there's no shortage of emotional coverage as the papers write about the freshman who loved to dance, the grad student who just got married, and the sophomore who was a talented singer and violinist, to name a few. All the papers mention how MySpace and Facebook have become a gathering place for students to grieve and mourn (not to mention a source for journalists trying to find out information).

    And now for some lighter reading … The LAT fronts a very amusing dispatch from London that uses the breakup of Prince William and Kate Middleton to take a look at the intricacies of class structure in Britain and how they remain important. As far as most British media are concerned, the reason the prince broke up with the commoner was, well, because she was just "way too middle class." Never mind that Middleton's parents owned a $2 million house or that they could send her to a prestigious college, it seems her mother's past as a flight attendant (not to mention her gum-chewing ways) was too much to bear.

    Daniel Politi writes "Today's Papers" for Slate. He can be reached at todayspapers@slate.com.

     

    Tuesday, April 17, 2007

    Virginia Tech's tragedy is America's, too

    A Killer in Blacksburg
    Virginia Tech's tragedy is America's, too.

    Tuesday, April 17, 2007; A20

    EVEN IN a nation numb to violence and inured to recurrent school shootings, the scale of the human tragedy at Virginia Tech yesterday was heartbreaking. The nation watched, transfixed and horrified, as grainy cellphone images and video footage from Blacksburg conveyed a sense of the carnage and mayhem at a university seized in the blink of an eye by terror. And the nation grieved, once again, as young lives brimming with promise and possibility were cut short by that now familiar campus scourge: an aggrieved gunman, or gunmen, on a rampage.

    Students and commentators dubbed it "the college Columbine," recalling two teenagers' killing of 12 students at Colorado's Columbine High School in 1999. In fact, the toll at Virginia Tech yesterday was statistically worse -- at least 33 dead and more than 30 injured, the deadliest mass shooting of civilians in American history. And the details, as they emerged in early, unconfirmed reports, were unspeakable: students lined up and shot in a classroom; students leaping from the windows of buildings to save themselves; a gunman unidentified for hours because his head wounds were so severe.

    The atrocity at Virginia Tech sparked instant and fierce debates, online and elsewhere, even as survivors were fighting for their lives. Under what circumstances, and where, did the gunman obtain his weapons? Would the university have suffered the same tragedy if Virginia law did not prohibit the carrying of guns on campus? Should metal detectors be ubiquitous in American classrooms and dormitories? And why are gunmen so apt to carry out their lethal rampages at American schools?

    More particularly, what more, if anything, could the authorities at Virginia Tech have done to prevent yesterday's carnage? Were possible warning signs, such as bomb threats in the weeks before the incident, adequately investigated? And between the first shootings around 7 a.m., when two people were killed in a dormitory, and the second ones two hours later, when 31 died at a classroom building, did the city and campus police take all possible steps to lock down the university and scour it for the shooter? On a sprawling campus of 2,600 acres and almost 22,000 students, given imperfect communications, is it even feasible to lock every door and bolt every window on short notice?

    As the debates rage and questions are raised, the mourning will go on. But the parents, relatives and friends of the victims at Virginia Tech will not mourn alone. Their tragedy is America's too.

    washingtonpost.com

     

    Students Down, Doors Barred, Leaps to Safety

    'Pop, Pop, Pop': Students Down, Doors Barred, Leaps to Safety

    By Michael E. Ruane and Jose Antonio Vargas
    Washington Post Staff Writers
    Tuesday, April 17, 2007; A01

    Yesterday morning. Second floor. Norris Hall. In Room 207, Mr. Bishop's German class is underway. A few doors down, Professor Librescu is posting slides for his engineering students in 204. Outside, the Virginia Tech campus is gray and chilly but pretty normal for a Monday.

    "It couldn't have been much more normal," said Richard Mallalieu, one of Liviu Librescu's students.

    Suddenly, sometime after 9 a.m., a young man walked into the German class with two handguns and shot instructor Christopher James Bishop in the head.

    Then he began firing at the students. Shot after shot, "some 30 shots in all," said Trey Perkins, who was seated in the back of the German class. He shot a girl in the mouth, a boy in the legs.

    There were about 15 students, and Perkins said the relentless gunman had a "very serious but very calm look on his face."

    "Everyone hit the floor at that moment," said Perkins, 20, of Yorktown, Va., a sophomore studying mechanical engineering.

    The gunman left, and Perkins, sounding shaken in a telephone interview yesterday, said "three or four" students appeared to be dead.

    In Room 204, the engineering students were watching Librescu's slides on the subject of virtual work when they began to hear shots from what sounded like an adjacent classroom, said Mallalieu, 23, a student from Luray, Va.

    "At first I tried to convince myself they weren't gunshots, that if anything, maybe a presentation was going on, to try to convince myself it wasn't," Mallalieu said in a telephone interview from his Blacksburg apartment. "It became evident pretty quick what was going on."

    Plus, he said, "there were a few screams." At first, he got down and hid behind a desk as Librescu held the classroom door closed. Then the students went to the windows.

    As they pondered whether to jump, the gunshots went on. "A steady pop, pop, pop, pop," Mallalieu said. The gunfire was "more or less continuous." He said he heard 20 to 30 shots as he and other students noticed there was grass below and decided it was time to jump. "It was scary," he said, "but it wasn't as panicked as you might think it was."

    The engineering students pushed open the windows.

    On the first floor, custodian Gene W. Cole, 52, was preparing to clean a bathroom when someone reported a shooting in a second-floor lab. Cole took an elevator and got off at 2.

    "I walked around the corner, and I saw something in the hallway there," Cole said in a telephone interview. "As I got closer, I saw it was a girl lying on the floor jerking around as if she was trying to get up. There was blood all over her and all over the floor around her."

    A man dressed in bluejeans, a dark sweat shirt and a hat stepped out of a classroom and flashed a black handgun.

    "He acted like he was angry," Cole said. "I just thought, 'Oh my God, he's fit to kill me.' He didn't say nothing; he just started shooting. He shot at me five times."

    Bullets zipped past Cole's head. He ran down some back stairs, saw that several exits had what looked like new chains and locks on them, and escaped through an auditorium. Cole, who has worked at Virginia Tech for 20 years, said the chains and locks had to have been put on the doors shortly before the shooting because they were not there earlier that morning.

    Back in Room 207, Perkins, a student named Derek and a female student headed toward the heavy wooden classroom door and held it shut with their feet.

    Other students were crying. One vomited. Two minutes later, Perkins said, the gunman came back. But now he couldn't get in. So he started shooting through the door, Perkins said, before leaving again. "Fortunately, we were lying down and weren't in front of the door," he said.

    Whispering and trying to compose himself, Perkins, an Eagle Scout, said he told Derek and the female student to keep their feet on the door in case the gunman returned.

    Perkins said he went around the room, tending to the wounded students. A student named Garrett was shot in both legs. Perkins wrapped his gray pullover sweater around Garrett's right leg.

    Perkins used Garrett's tank top to wrap the other leg. Perkins saw a sweat shirt on a desk and covered the girl with the mouth wound.

    "He knew exactly what he was doing," Perkins said of the gunman. "I have no idea why he did what he decided to do. I just can't say how lucky I am to have made it."

    In 204, the students had opened the windows and were jumping for their lives.

    "It's kind of hard to believe that something like this would happen," Mallalieu said. "You hear things about Columbine. . . . But you never think you'd be involved in that. But at that point I realized it was really happening."

    Mallalieu, the son of a chemist, said he climbed out, hung for a moment from the ledge, looked down and let go. "I kind of tried to roll when I landed," he said.

    He suffered some scratches. He's not sure everybody got out. Those who did ran for a nearby campus building. As they did, Mallalieu said it sounded as though the gunshots, and the screams, were now coming from 204. He said he heard about 40 shots in all.

    There was little conversation as the students fled. "At that point, it was just, get away," he said. "I think everybody kind of had the same feeling about what was going on. We didn't really need to talk about it.

    "I don't think it's settled in yet," he said. "I haven't heard how my other classmates who I think were still left behind, you know, what happened to them, be it good or bad."

    A man identifying himself as one of Bishop's relatives said the family had no comment. Last night, a woman who answered the phone at Librescu's home and identified herself as his wife said she did not know whether he had survived.

     

    2-Hour Gap Leaves Room For Questions

    Freshman Ryan Fowler hugs his father, Tim, right, as his mother, MaryEllen, hugs another student. Fowler's parents drove from Maryland to pick him up

    2-Hour Gap Leaves Room For Questions

    By Alec MacGillis and Adam Kilgore
    Washington Post Staff Writers
    Tuesday, April 17, 2007; A01

    A single question stood out yesterday at Virginia Tech: Would more students be alive if the university had stopped them from going to class after a shooting occurred in a campus dorm?

    The first shooting was reported at 7:15 a.m. in a dormitory, West Ambler Johnston Hall, where police found two people fatally wounded. But the first e-mail message from the Virginia Tech administration to students did not go out until more than two hours later, at 9:26 a.m., stating that a shooting had occurred but with no mention of staying indoors or staying off campus or canceling classes.

    About 9:45, the shootings began in Norris Hall, a classroom building at the other end of the sprawling campus. Police said the gunman killed 30 people at Norris and wounded about 30 before killing himself.

    "I don't know why they let people stay in classrooms," said Sean Glennon, a junior from Centreville and the quarterback on the Hokies football team. "A lot of people are angry that campus wasn't evacuated a little earlier."

    The university president and campus police chief said they decided not to cancel classes after the first shootings because the initial indication at the dorm, based on interviews with witnesses, was that the attack might have been a domestic-violence incident and that the shooter probably had fled the campus.

    "We were acting on the best information we had at the time," said Wendell Flinchum, the campus police chief. "We felt that this incident was isolated to that dormitory."

    University President Charles W. Steger said officials also were unsure what the alternative would be to allowing classes to proceed. More than 14,000 of the university's 26,000 full-time students live off campus, and, with some classes starting at 8 a.m., many of them were en route when officials were having to decide, he said. The university and police decided that students would be safer in their classrooms than milling around the campus or in their dorms, he said.

    "The question is, [where] do you keep them that is more safe?" Steger said. He added: "We concluded that it was best, once they got in their classrooms . . . to lock them down" there.

    Officials characterized the response as a "lockdown" in classrooms, but with the first e-mail alert not going out until 9:26, most students were oblivious to any trouble.

    Dustin Lynch, 19, a sophomore from Churchville, Md., said that at the time of the Norris Hall shootings, he was out on the Drillfield, a large oval lawn on campus, raising money for charity with other members of the Pi Kappa Alpha fraternity. It was only when he saw a swarm of police cruisers racing to Norris Hall that he knew something was amiss.

    University officials said classroom buildings are open at all times except late at night. The university could have restricted access to the building using an electronic key-card system built into many doorways, according to a law enforcement source, but investigators thought the shooter might have been a student with a key card that would have given him access to the buildings despite the lockdown.

    "The question everyone is asking is: How can you have two hours between the shootings and the place not be locked down?" said the source, who was given an intelligence briefing yesterday but was not authorized to speak publicly.

    The university was aware of the challenges involved in reaching students during a crisis, even in an age when everyone seems to be wired. In August, a jail inmate escaped, fatally shot a hospital guard and a sheriff's deputy and then hid on campus on the first day of classes, setting off a manhunt that shut down campus.

    The university posted updates on its Web site that day and sent out e-mails, but it took longer for the news to reach students who were commuting to school and were not online.

    A campus spokesman said earlier this semester that the university was working with a company to provide a service that would send out text-message alerts to students' cellphones. The university was considering requiring students to give their cellphone numbers when they register for classes, he said.

    Yesterday, Steger said that the university would review its emergency response policies again in light of the shootings but that only so much could be done to prepare for unforeseen disasters.

    "It's very difficult. This is an open society and an open campus with 26,000 people, and we can't have armed guards in front of every classroom every day of the year," he said. "It was one of those things no one anticipated. . . . Honestly, every situation we face is different."

    It was not until 9:50 a.m., after the Norris Hall shootings, that a stronger e-mail warning from the university reached students: "A gunman is loose on campus. Stay in buildings until further notice. Stay away from all windows."

    A third e-mail went out at 10:16, canceling classes and asking students to stay put. And it was 10:52, more than an hour after the Norris Hall shootings, that an e-mail went out stating that the attack had occurred.

    Justin Born, a junior from Centreville, had left for his 10:10 class after checking his e-mail and seeing the first 9:26 notice about being "cautious."

    "I was like, 'All right.' I decided to go to class, because I didn't think it was that big of a deal," he said.

    After parking on campus and walking to class, he saw people running to cars and running from the campus, shouting about the second shooting. It was only after he got home that he saw the e-mail about classes being canceled.

    "I don't know how to describe it," he said. "It just seems, I don't know, immature. I don't if immature is the right word, but it doesn't seem like Virginia Tech did the right thing by not canceling class after a shooting. It was ridiculous."

     

    Gunman Identified as a Student

    Todd Heisler/The New York Times

    Virginia Tech students watching a simulcast of Tuesday's convocation

    April 17, 2007

    Virginia Gunman Identified as a Student

    The gunman who killed 32 people and himself on the campus of Virginia Polytechnic Institute Monday was identified today as a student who lived in a dormitory on campus but kept to himself.

    Law enforcement authorities said the gunman was Cho Seung-Hui, 23, a South Korean who was a resident alien in the United States and in his senior year as an English major.

    Today, a police affidavit said that a bomb threat note was found near his body and that the police believe two previous bomb threats in the past three weeks could be connected to him. It added that the suspect recently purchased a handgun at a gun shop in Roanoke, Va.

    Mr. Cho was described by fellow students in television interviews broadcast today as being "thorough" as he moved through the classrooms opening fire. He wore an outfit that resembled a boy scout uniform and tried to push through doors that were barricaded by students.

    In a German class in Norris Hall, one of the buildings where the killings took place, Mr. Cho entered the room and opened fire on the professor before turning a gun on the students.

    Trey Perkins, a 20-year old mechanical engineering student, was among the students who got down on the floor and tried to shield themselves with desks when Mr. Cho opened fire.

    "There were a couple of screams but for the most part it was eerily silent other than the gunfire," he said. "He never said a word the whole time. I've never seen a straighter face."

    In a photograph distributed by the police after Mr. Cho's identity was released, he is wearing eyeglasses and has closely cropped hair, and is staring directly into the camera with little expression.

    At least 17 were also injured after the two shooting attacks at the university on Monday during three hours of horror and chaos on the sprawling campus.

    In a news conference today, authorities said ballistic tests showed that one of two weapons found in Norris Hall, a classroom building where most of the killing took place, had also been used in the other location, West Ambler Johnston Hall, a 900-student freshman dormitory and the scene of the first shootings.

    Mr. Cho moved to the United States with his family as a grade school student in 1992, government officials in South Korea said.

    While he had a residence established in Centreville, Va., Mr. Cho was living on campus in Harper Residence Hall. He was described as a "loner" by the university's associate vice president, Harry Hincker.

    It was the deadliest shooting rampage in American history and came nearly eight years to the day after 13 people died at Columbine High School in Colorado at the hands of two disaffected students who then killed themselves.

    The police and witnesses said some victims were executed while other students were hurt jumping from upper-story windows of the classroom building where most of the killings occurred. After the second round of killings, the gunman killed himself, the police said.

    Investigators were trying to sift through what Col. W. Steve Flaherty, the state police superintendent, described as a "horrific crime scene" at Norris Hall, where the shooting had caused tremendous chaos and panic. A 9-millimeter Glock handgun and 22-caliber Walther handgun were recovered from the building.

    Personal belongings were strewn about on the second floor. Victims were found in four classrooms and a stairwell.

    "We know that there were a number of heroic events took place," he said.

    A university spokeswoman, Jenn Lazenby, said on Monday the university was looking into whether two bomb threats at the campus — one last Friday, the other earlier this month — might be related to the shootings.

    Today, a Virginia state police affidavit said that a bomb threat note was found in the vicinity of the shooting suspect, and it was "reasonable" to believe it was connected with the shootings. A warrant was issued for Mr. Cho's dorm room to search for tools, documents, computer software, weapons, ammunition and explosives.

    The authorities also released an affidavit for a police warrant to search the apartment of a man identified as Karl David Thornhill to look for firearms, ammunition, bloody clothing, footwear, and other "tangible evidence" associated with the alleged murders. Mr. Thornhill was said to have given the police conflicting information about the location of his guns and his whereabouts over the weekend.

    Reporters who went to the address on the affidavit were told by a young man at the door: "The person you are looking for is not here."

    According to the college newspaper, The Collegiate Times, many of the deaths took place in the German class in Norris Hall.

    Survivors told dramatic stories of the events.

    Mr. Perkins said that during class, someone opened the door to the room twice and peeked in, but the class assumed that it was a student looking for his room.

    "It was someone of Asian descent, so it might have been the same guy," Mr. Perkins said.

    About 10 minutes later, the door, which had no window, opened again and the shooter fired first at the professor, and then began methodically shooting the students, beginning with those in the front row. The gunman then left but tried to return, managing to open the door a few inches as students inside pushed back.

    "Derek, who is my classmate, he was shot in the arm and it was just amazing to me that he was still up and leaning against the door," Mr. Perkins said. "The guy tried to come back in and we were able to hold him off. "

    Another student, Erin Sheehan, helped tend to the wounded in the class as her fellow students tried to hold the door closed. "He seemed very thorough about it," she told CNN, referring to the way the gunman carried out the shooting.

    At least 17 of the wounded were still in the hospital this morning. One of them was the girlfriend of a student, Paul Geiger, 21, who was at Montgomery Regional Hospital this morning to visit her.

    "She was part of the German class that got hit," he said of his girlfriend, who had been shot in the hand. "She helped barricade the door. For me, she is my hero."

    Joseph Cacioppo, a surgeon at Montgomery Regional Hospital who treated some of the injured, said on CNN that the injuries showed that the gunman was "brutal." None of the injured that he treated had "less than three to four wounds in them," he said.

    Today, the university hosted a convocation attended by President Bush, who called it "the worst day of violence in college history."

    "It's impossible to make sense of such violence and suffering," he said. "Those whose lives were taken did nothing to deserve their fate. They were simply at the wrong place at the wrong time."

    Mr. Bush has ordered flags at half-staff through Sunday at sunset.

    Classes have been canceled for the week to allow students to grieve. Norris Hall is to be closed completely for the semester.

    Questions have been raised about whether university officials had responded adequately to the shootings.

    There was a two-hour gap between the first shootings, when two people were killed, and the second, when a gunman stalked through the halls of an engineering building across campus, shooting at professors and students in classrooms and hallways, firing dozens of rounds and killing 30. Officials said he then shot himself so badly in the face that he could not be identified.

    The university did not send a campus wide alert until the second attack had begun, even though the gunman in the first had not been apprehended.

    Responding to criticism and suggestions that there was a delay between the first shooting and the first e-mail notifying students that something had happened, the Virginia Tech president, Charles W. Steger, said that the first dormitory was immediately closed down after the first incident and surrounded by security guards. Streets were cordoned off and students in the building notified about what was going on, he said.

    "We also had to find witnesses because we didn't know what had happened," he said. Wounded people were sent to hospital and, based on the interrogation of witnesses, they thought "there was another person involved."

    Students said a gunman had gone room to room looking for his ex-girlfriend. He killed two people, a senior identified as Ryan Clark, from Augusta, Ga., and a freshman identified by other students on her floor as Emily Hilscher.

    The shootings at the engineering building, Norris Hall, began at about 9:45.

    The university has more than 25,000 full-time students on a campus that is spread over 2,600 acres.

    Asian-American students at Virginia Tech reacted to news about the gunman's identity with shock and some anxiety about a possible backlash.

    "My parents are actually worried about retaliation against Asians," said Lyu Boaz, a third-year accounting student who was born in South Korea and became an American citizen a year ago. "After 9/11, a lot of Arabs were attacked for that reason."

    Mr. Boaz, a resident adviser at Pritchard Hall, said many Korean-American students left campus immediately. Parents of other Korean-American students were preparing to pick up their children this afternoon and take them home.

    Until Monday, the deadliest campus shooting in United States history was in 1966 at the University of Texas, where Charles Whitman climbed to the 28th-floor observation deck of a clock tower and opened fire, killing 16 people before he was shot and killed by the police. In the Columbine High attack in 1999, two teenagers killed 12 fellow students and a teacher before killing themselves.

    The single deadliest shooting in the United States came in October 1991, when George Jo Hennard crashed his pickup truck through the window of a Luby's cafeteria in Killeen, Tex., then shot 22 people dead and wounded at least 20 others. He shot himself in the head.

    John M. Broder, Graham Bowley, Sheryl Gay Stolberg, Choe Sang-hun, Shaila Dewan, Edmund L. Andrews, Matthew L. Wald and Alicia C. Shepard contributed reporting.


    Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company

     

    Deadliest Shooting in U.S. History

    Gunman Kills 32 at Virginia Tech In Deadliest Shooting in U.S. History

    By Ian Shapira and Tom Jackman
    Washington Post Staff Writers
    Tuesday, April 17, 2007; A01

    BLACKSBURG, Va., April 16 -- An outburst of gunfire at a Virginia Tech dormitory, followed two hours later by a ruthless string of attacks at a classroom building, killed 32 students, faculty and staff and left about 30 others injured yesterday in the deadliest shooting rampage in the nation's history.

    The shooter, whose name was not released last night, wore bluejeans, a blue jacket and a vest holding ammunition, witnesses said. He carried a 9mm semiautomatic and a .22-caliber handgun, both with the serial numbers obliterated, federal law enforcement officials said. Witnesses described the shooter as a young man of Asian descent -- a silent killer who was calm and showed no expression as he pursued and shot his victims. He killed himself as police closed in.

    He had left two dead at the dormitory and 30 more at a science and engineering building, where he executed people taking and teaching classes after chaining some doors shut behind him. At one point, he shot at a custodian who was helping a victim. Witnesses described scenes of chaos and grief, with students jumping from second-story windows to escape gunfire and others blocking their classroom doors to keep the gunman away.

    Even before anyone knew who the gunman was or why he did what he did, the campus community in Southwest Virginia began questioning whether most of the deaths could have been prevented. They wondered why the campus was not shut down after the first shooting.

    The enormity of the event brought almost immediate expressions of condolences from President Bush, both houses of Congress and across the world.

    "I'm really at a loss for words to explain or to understand the carnage that has visited our campus," said Charles W. Steger, president of Virginia Tech, one of the state's largest and most prestigious universities.

    The rampage began as much of the campus was just waking up. A man walked into a freshman coed dorm at 7:15 a.m. and fatally shot a young woman and a resident adviser.

    Based on witness interviews, police thought it was an isolated domestic case and chose not to take any drastic campus-wide security measures, university officials said. But about 9:45 a.m., a man entered a classroom building and started walking into classrooms and shooting faculty members and students with the two handguns. Virginia Tech Police Chief Wendell Flinchum said investigators were not certain that the same man committed both shootings. But several law enforcement sources said he did.

    As police entered Norris Hall, an engineering and science building, shortly before 10 a.m., the man shot and killed himself before officers could confront him. One witness said the gunman was "around 19" and was "very serious but [with] a very calm look on his face."

    "He knew exactly what he was doing," said the witness, Trey Perkins, 20, of Yorktown, Va. He said he watched the man enter his classroom and shoot Perkins's professor in the head. "I have no idea why he did what he decided to do. I just can't say how lucky I am to have made it."

    The university canceled classes yesterday and today and set up counseling for the grief-stricken campus. Gov. Timothy M. Kaine (D), who had just arrived in Japan on a trade mission, immediately flew back to Virginia. He was expected to attend a vigil today.

    "We've been devastated as the death toll has been rising," said Payton Baran, 20, of Bethesda, who is a junior majoring in finance. "I've been calling everyone I know, and everyone I talk to is pretty much in tears. It's really, really depressing."

    None of the victims' names was released yesterday by officials, pending notification of their families. University officials said 15 people were injured, but spokesmen at four area hospitals said they treated 29.

    Initial reports from the campus raised the specter of "another Columbine," in which two teenagers in Littleton, Colo., killed 13 people inside a high school in 1999 before killing themselves. But soon, the Virginia Tech rampage dwarfed Columbine to become the biggest shooting rampage by an individual in U.S. history.

    Students and parents launched a frenzied round of phone calls and text messages yesterday morning, monitoring news reports and waiting for information. And the shootings prompted intense questioning of Steger and Flinchum from a community still reeling from the fatal shootings of a security guard and a sheriff's deputy near campus in August on the first day of classes and the arrest of the suspect on the edge of campus that day.

    Although the gunman in the dorm was at large, no warning was issued to the tens of thousands of students and staff at Virginia Tech until 9:26 a.m., more than two hours later.

    "We concluded it was domestic in nature," Flinchum said. "We had reason to believe the shooter had left campus and may have left the state." He declined to elaborate. But several law enforcement sources said investigators thought the shooter might have intended to kill a girl and her boyfriend Monday in what one of them described as a "lover's dispute." It was unclear whether the girl killed at the dorm was the intended target, they said.

    The sources said police initially focused on the female student's boyfriend, a student at nearby Radford University, as a suspect. Police questioned the boyfriend, later termed "a person of interest," and were questioning him when they learned of the subsequent shootings at Norris Hall. A family friend of the boyfriend's said the boyfriend was stopped by police alongside Route 460 in Blacksburg, handcuffed and interrogated on the side of the road and later released.

    Students who lived in the dorm said they received knocks on the door telling them to stay in their rooms but nothing else. Shortly before 9:30 a.m., the university sent out this e-mail: "A shooting incident occurred at West Amber Johnston [dorm] earlier this morning. Police are on the scene and are investigating.

    "The university community is urged to be cautious and are asked to contact Virginia Tech Police if you observe anything suspicious or with information on the case."

    Steger said that, even though the gunman was at large, "we had no reason to suspect any other incident was going to occur." He said only a fraction of the university's 28,000 students live on campus, and "it's extremely difficult if not impossible to get the word out spontaneously."

    Students on campus and parents were angry. When Blake Harrison, 21, of Leesburg learned of the shootings, he said, he called an administrative help line and was told "to proceed with caution to classes." He said: "I'm beyond upset. I'm enraged."

    Yesterday, as officials began to sort out the shootings, tales of the horror began to emerge.

    Alec Calhoun, a junior, was in Room 204 in Norris. When the shootings began, people suddenly pulled off screens and pushed out windows. "Then people started jumping," he said. "I didn't just leap. I hung from the ledge and dropped. Anybody who made it out was fine. I fell and I hit a bush to cushion my fall. It knocked the wind out of me. I don't remember running."

    About 9:50 a.m., Jamal Albarghouti was walking toward Norris Hall for a meeting with his adviser in civil engineering "to review my thesis. As I was walking, about 300 feet away, I started hearing people shouting, telling me to run or [get] clear."

    He started to move away, but he also pulled out his cellphone, which has videorecording capability, and he began filming. His video, which he later shipped to CNN, captures officers running toward the brown three-story building, a couple of flashes from the second floor and 27 gunshots.

    The video soon became the defining image of the rampage. "I just didn't think I was in great danger," Albarghouti said later.

    In a German class in Room 207, Perkins was seated in the back with about 15 fellow students. The gunman barged in with two guns, shot the professor in the head, then started shooting students, Perkins said.

    Panic ensued, he said. "And the shots seemed like it lasted forever."

    The gunman left Room 207 and tried to return several minutes later, but Perkins and two other students had blocked the door with their feet. He shot through the door.

    The last time anyone spoke with Kristina Heeger, she was headed for a 9 a.m. French class in Norris. Within an hour, the sophomore from Vienna had been shot in the back. But she survived.

    It was a story that played out across campus, and far beyond, with so many wounded, so many dead. "She's doing better," said a friend, Eric Anderson, last night after seeing her. "She's recovering. We're praying for her right now. She couldn't talk to them yet, or anyone, and they didn't know any details about what happened."

    Tucker Armstrong, 19, a freshman from Stephens City, Va., passed by Norris as he headed to a 10 a.m. class. He said in an e-mail that he "noticed several kids hanging and jumping from the second floor windows trying to land in bushes."

    Armstrong said he heard repeated bangs. He went to help the people who had leapt from the building, but they yelled at him: " 'Get out of here, run!' At that point I realized they were shots and they just kept going and going."

    Police and ambulances poured into the area. Dustin Lynch, 19, a sophomore from Churchville, Md., watched from the nearby Drillfield as unresponsive students were carried out of Norris Hall. "I saw police officers literally carrying kids out," Lynch said. "It basically looked like they were carrying bodies."

    Parents arrived at the Inn at Virginia Tech to meet with other grieving families and were distraught at the university's management of the incident. "I think they should have closed the whole thing. It's not worth it. You've got a crazy man on campus. Do something about it," said Hoda Bizri of Princeton, W.Va., who was visiting her daughter Siwar, a graduate student.

    Brett Hudner, 23, communications major from Vienna, was heading toward one of the dining halls and suddenly a scrum of police cars raced by. "The scary thing is I know I'm going to go into classes, and there's going to be empty spaces," Hudner said.

    The Bizris, meanwhile, were waiting for news about a friend whom they could not locate. They think she was inside Norris Hall.

    Jackman reported from Washington.

     

    Today's Papers

    Bloody Monday
    By Daniel Politi
    Posted Tuesday, April 17, 2007, at 6:03 A.M. E.T.

    All the papers banner and devote most of their Page One space to, while the Wall Street Journal tops its world-wide newsbox with, yesterday's massacre at the Virginia Tech campus in Blacksburg that amounted to the deadliest mass shooting in U.S. history. Two shooting rampages left 33 people dead and approximately 30 injured. The gunman (although it is still unclear whether there was only one) shot himself as police closed in on him. "I'm really at a loss for words to explain or to understand the carnage that has visited our campus," the university president said. All the papers front the same dramatic picture of police officers carrying students from a campus building.

    The tragic day began at 7:15 a.m. when two people were killed in a dormitory. But the worst came more than two hours later, when a gunman went into Norris Hall, a science and engineering building, and began shooting students and professors. Officials didn't release the name of the shooter but witnesses described him as a young Asian man and the New York Times gets word from federal law-enforcement officials that he might have recently arrived in the United States. The Washington Post says the shooter carried a 9mm semiautomatic and a .22-caliber handgun, "both with the serial numbers obliterated." The Los Angeles Times says 26 people, mostly students, were being treated at several area hospitals. In a nice piece of Page One design, USA Today goes across the top with the excerpt of an e-mail sent out by the university at 9:50 a.m.: "A gunman is loose on campus. …" Everyone spends time looking at this and other e-mails (the first came approximately half an hour earlier) as sadness turned to anger and more people questioned whether university and police officials could have done more to prevent most of the deaths.

    After the first shooting, police believed it was a "domestic" case and that the gunman had left the campus so they chose not to send out an e-mail alert until two hours later. Even after the shooting started it seems as though university officials had no plan to guide students. USAT talks to a student who says he was driving to school at 10 a.m. when he heard about the shootings from strangers who stopped him and urged him to turn around. At that point he called the school's information line: "I say to them, 'I hear everybody's getting shot, is class canceled?' And the lady tells me, 'All I can say is proceed cautiously.' Proceed cautiously? Meaning what? Avoid 9mm bullets?"

    By that time the gunman had already entered Norris Hall, chained some of the doors from the inside, and started shooting. The WP and LAT both have accounts from students inside the building, where one of the most harrowing scenes appears to have played out in a German class. The shooter simply walked into the class and shot the teacher in the head. The WP talks to a student who says the gunman had a "very serious but very calm look on his face." The LAT and NYT quote another student in the class who told the college newspaper she was one of only a few people to have left the classroom unscathed. Interestingly enough, the same student also said the gunman "peeked in twice … like he was looking for someone, somebody, before he started shooting." In other classrooms in the building, students struggled to decide what to do as they realized they were in the middle of a shooting rampage and that they could be next. Some decided to jump out of windows, later telling how they heard shots in the classroom they had just escaped as they were running away from the building.

    There was almost immediate outrage from students and their parents, who questioned why police and university officials didn't react more aggressively to the first shooting and put the campus on lockdown. But USAT talks to experts who make clear that putting a large campus on lockdown is no easy feat. The WP notes that although officials say there was a "lockdown" in classrooms, most students simply didn't know there was anything going on. In a story inside, the LAT does a good job of plainly going through several of the remaining open questions. Besides the late response time, there is also the nagging question of whether there was only one gunman. If so, does that mean police were pursuing and interviewing the wrong suspect while the gunman roamed the campus?

    In its lead story, the NYT mentions Virginia's lax gun laws make it relatively easy for anyone to purchase a handgun. Inside, the LAT notes that those who advocate for stricter gun controls said yesterday's events show the need for tougher regulations. Those who oppose tougher gun laws have, for the most part, remained silent.

    While the university was late in bringing information, the LAT fronts a story looking at how students ("members of the most wired generation in history") were quick to use the Internet to describe their feelings, check on their friends, report new developments, and, of course, post videos and photos.

    The LAT and WP both go inside with stories that wonder how the massacre will affect a university whose reputation and popularity had been steadily increasing. Meanwhile, officials at universities across the country are likely to begin reviewing their security procedures.

    In other news, the NYT fronts, and everyone mentions, that Shiite cleric Muqtada Sadr pulled his six ministers from the Iraqi Cabinet. Sadr said he was removing his ministers because the Iraqi government refuses to set a timetable for the withdrawal of U.S. troops. The U.S. military reported the death of seven American troops.

    All the papers go inside with the Senate judiciary committee postponing the testimony by Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, scheduled for today, until Thursday because of the killings at Virginia Tech. Meanwhile, the papers get word that Kyle Sampson, Gonzales' former chief of staff, gave more details over the weekend on how the attorney general's previous statements about the firings of U.S. attorneys might have been inaccurate. In a private interview with congressional investigators, Sampson said Gonzales took part in discussions about the firing of two U.S. attorneys, David Iglesias of New Mexico and Carol Lam of San Diego. In addition, Sampson said that Gonzales told him that President Bush had complained about Iglesias.

    The LAT fronts, and everyone mentions, the Pulitzer Prize winners. The only newspaper to win more than one prize was the WSJ, which received the public service award for its stories on the backdating of stock options and the international reporting Pulitzer for its series on the effects of China's emerging capitalism. The LAT got the award for explanatory reporting in recognition of its series that looked into the degradation of the world's oceans. The NYT won the feature writing prize for its stories about an immigrant imam in the United States. The Boston Globe picked up a national reporting award for a series of stories about Bush's use of "signing statements." Lawrence Wright won the general nonfiction prize for his book, The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11, and Cormac McCarthy got the fiction award for the novel The Road.

    Daniel Politi writes "Today's Papers" for Slate. He can be reached at todayspapers@slate.com.

     

    Today's Papers

    Death, Taxes, and Dubya, Too
    By M.J. Smith
    Posted Monday, April 16, 2007, at 6:21A.M. E.T.

    The New York Times and the Los Angeles Times lead with the release of Attorney General Alberto Gonzales' testimony a full two days ahead of a key Senate hearing on the controversy over fired U.S. attorneys. The Washington Post's top story is Sunday's campaign-finance filings, showing Hillary Clinton with the most overall money in her account but trailing Barack Obama for primary fund-raising.

    The Wall Street Journal tops its world-wide news box with a series of bombs killing 45 in Shiite areas of Baghdad, but also goes high with late word that troubled lender Sallie Mae has agreed to be sold into private ownership. USA Today leads with a survey showing 70 percent of school children in a Baghdad neighborhood have symptoms of trauma, including bed-wetting and stuttering.

    The LAT's Gonzales story notes that Justice Department officials released the testimony on their own rather than wait for Chuck Schumer to do it for them as the two sides jockey for pre-hearing message control. A justice spokesman tells the paper the written testimony was due in to the Senate 48 hours before the hearing.

    As for the text itself, Gonzales says he has "nothing to hide." He also apologizes for "my missteps that have helped fuel the controversy" and tries to address previous contradictions in his comments about the firings, including an earlier statement that he was not involved in discussions on the issue. He sticks by his account that much of the work was handled by former chief of staff D. Kyle Sampson.

    Schumer and others, including Republican Sen. Arlen Specter, dismiss the testimony as not enough. Schumer pointed to statements from Michael Battle, former director of the executive office for U.S. attorneys, that he said showed further contradictions in Gonzales' story. The papers note that Gonzales published an op-ed piece in the WP on Sunday previewing his testimony, and that the hearing may be his last chance to save his job.

    The NYT draws parallels between Gonzales' case and Paul Wolfowitz's situation at the World Bank, with growing calls for his resignation over a transfer that resulted in a hefty salary for his girlfriend. The NYT is the only paper to front a Wolfowitz story, and its editorial page today called for him to resign.

    Campaign finance reports were due in yesterday, and while Hillary Clinton came out on top in total money, the story gets far more complicated. She trailed Barack Obama in money raised specifically for the primary campaign, and the WP notes that Obama seems to have far more donors who have not yet "maxed out" their contribution amounts. Clinton was also helped by a $10 million transfer from her Senate campaign account, the papers say.

    The NYT's campaign-finance story focuses on Obama receiving donations from former Clinton contributors, including a few who slept in the Lincoln bedroom. But, as the story points out, this isn't so surprising considering it'd be difficult to find a Dem contributor who didn't have ties to the Clintons in the 1990s. Overplayed, perhaps?

    It's tax time, of course, and the NYT and WP front tax-related features. The NYT looks at the increasing number of illegal immigrants filing taxes in hopes it will help them one day earn legal status, while the WP focuses on small-business tax cheats. The paper highlights the case of a guy who claimed less than $8,000 in taxable income from his family's two nail salons but somehow wound up blinged out.

    The NYT flags an insightful piece out of Iraq, where well-armed and apparently trained Sunni insurgents are increasingly setting up in Baquba, north of Baghdad. The paper says what's happened in Baquba is in many ways the opposite of what has occurred in Baghdad, where Shiite militias terrorized and forced out Sunnis.

    The Internet as terrorist recruiting ground gets front-page play at the LAT. The story looks at a 22-year-old Moroccan, the son of a diplomat, who is alleged to have become a "media guy" for al-Qaida in Iraq and something of a pioneer in Internet terrorism plotting.

    The WSJ lays out on its front the strange tale of a Kenyan runner who became a Bahrainian citizen to earn more dough as an athlete, only to be rejected later by the country's authorities because he competed in—and won—a marathon in Israel. The story describes an apparently common practice of Gulf states enticing skilled African runners to take up citizenship as a way of boosting the countries' sports prestige.

    The WP visits the notorious Rocinha favela in Rio de Janeiro for a front-page feature and describes the heavy violence involving minors there. The story offers these figures: "From 2002 through 2006, 729 Israeli and Palestinian minors were killed as a result of the violence in Israel and the occupied territories. … During the same period in Rio de Janeiro, 1,857 minors were reported murdered."

    Elsewhere, the NYT reports on polar bear hunting in Russia, and why this may be a good thing.

    And the papers note that many baseball players, including the entire Los Angeles Dodgers roster, wore number 42 on their jerseys yesterday to honor Jackie Robinson. If you're unclear on why, go here for your homework assignment.

    M.J. Smith is a writer based in Paris.

April 15, 2007

  • Don Imus Fired

     

    MK Mabry
    April 15, 2007
    Radio Days

    Hey, That's (Not) Funny

    SECOND maybe only to the Big Bang, the elusive essence of comedy has been subjected to a lot of theorizing. In Woody Allen's "Crimes and Misdemeanors," a character played by Alan Alda described it pompously and mathematically as "tragedy plus time." Steve Martin says it's what makes you laugh but not puke. Schopenhauer believed it was based on a false syllogism, and other philosophers said it revolved around a hidden misunderstanding. (Lone Ranger: "Looks like we're surrounded by Indians, Tonto." Tonto: "What's all this 'we' stuff, kemo sabe?")

    At this point, at least one thing is known: if you have to explain after a joke that you were trying to be funny, then it was not funny.

    And if you are Don Imus — or anyone on a growing list of comedians who work in the treacherous terrain where race and humor meet — then you are guilty of more than flopping. You are guilty of indecent exposure, caught out in the cold without your clown suit on. All of your intentions and beliefs, ones that did not matter much as long as laughter was your primary goal, suddenly become relevant. So you find yourself trying to justify humor, never a pretty sound bite, as Mr. Imus demonstrated when he appeared Monday on the Rev. Al Sharpton's radio show.

    "I didn't think it was a racial insult," he told Mr. Sharpton, of his now-endlessly repeated reference to the Rutgers women's basketball team as "nappy-headed hos."

    "I thought it was in the process of us rapping and trying to be funny," he said, sounding very little like the straight-talking Imus that his fans and detractors have come to know.

    More than anything, it seems, his downfall has pointed to a double standard — or what one might call simply a standard — at work in humor that uses racist and sexist stereotypes. If comedians or talk-show hosts are funny enough, in any of the hard-to-define ways that can be determined, they often earn a pass when offensive material is used.

    Of course, it's not a universal pass; many people will never find humor that flirts with racism or sexism or homophobia funny and will continue to be offended and hurt by it. But the pass often works even if the humor is what comedy experts sometimes call "outsider to insider" joking — a white comedian wielding minority stereotypes; a straight woman making fun of lesbians — a much trickier proposition than insider humor.

    Mr. Sharpton, for example, has not campaigned for the cancellation of other shows that tread up to and sometimes cross the line, like "South Park," the slash-and-burn cartoon satire on Comedy Central, created by two white men, Trey Parker and Matt Stone, where racial epithets are about as plentiful as pronouns and ugly stereotypes are strip-mined down to the last laugh.

    Leslie Moonves, the chief executive of CBS, which canceled Mr. Imus's radio show on Thursday, spoke of "the effect language like this has on our young people." But Mr. Moonves is part of same media empire, Viacom, controlled by Sumner M. Redstone, that oversees "South Park." In a 2003 episode of the show, to cite just one of countless examples, a hand puppet version of Jennifer Lopez used so many offensive ways of portraying Hispanics it was hard to keep track.

    "It's indefensible on any level, and yet it's hilarious," said Chris Kelly, a writer for "Real Time With Bill Maher" on HBO. "It's almost the purity of the racism. Or something. I don't know."

    "Things like this require you to make a quality distinction, which is so hard to do," said Mr. Kelly, who is white.

    Comedians and commentators interviewed over the past several days offered numerous explanations for why Mr. Imus failed the funny test so spectacularly this time, after years of dealing in the same kind of material.

    For one thing, they said, the danger was more acute for his show because it confused the kinds of expectations that humor needs to succeed. While Howard Stern's guests, for example, tend to follow the stripper-bum-drunk-fallen-celebrity continuum fairly closely, Mr. Imus made his name by making his show a forum for serious thought and serious thinkers.

    "It really is about expectations when you get down to it," said Larry Wilmore, a longtime comedy writer who is a correspondent on "The Daily Show With Jon Stewart." (He is billed as the show's "senior black correspondent" though he is also its sole black correspondent, and he often uses raced-based humor.)

    "I mean you just can't say, 'So let's talk about what's happening to the economy this week, and up next, nappy-headed hos!,' " he said. "People get confused."

    He added that while Mr. Stern and many other white comedians trafficking in race-and-gender-based humor — Sarah Silverman, Sacha Baron Cohen — make it clear to one degree or another that they are playing a role, Mr. Imus has presented himself more or less as Don Imus, a craggy-faced contrarian in a 10-gallon hat.

    And while he might have been trying to sling street lingo for its discordant comic effect — as if to say, "Isn't it ridiculous to hear this coming from a guy who looks like me?" — he was not able to pull it off. Instead, it seemed merely provocative, another sop thrown to his more Neanderthal fans, the kind he has been throwing for years.

    "I have a mathematical equation for all this," said Mr. Wilmore. "White guy plus black slang equals comedy. But here's where the equation breaks down. White guy plus black slang minus common sense equals tragedy."

    "I think he failed comedically more than anything else," he added.

    As many people have remarked, he also fumbled badly in choosing a target for his joke — a specific and sympathetic target, a come-from-behind women's basketball team that had just lost a tough championship game. He did not level his lampoon at all black people or all women or, alternately, the kinds of supposedly bulletproof figures used for target practice by the comedy world all the time — politicians, reality-show contestants and celebrities like, for example, Jennifer Lopez.

    "That kind of humor works pretty well from below, when you are blasting people who are powerful and rich and who can't be hurt much," said Victor Raskin, a professor of English and linguistics at Purdue University and an editor of the International Journal of Humor Research. "But here, it doesn't work, racist or not."

    Or as the Harvard scholar Henry Louis Gates Jr., put it: "If he had decided to parody the hip-hop world or whomever he got this lingo from, then maybe that would have been funny. But I think his primary goal was to elicit shock, not to make people laugh."

    Some people interviewed suggested that Mr. Imus's career might have had at least a slim chance of survival if he had parried the attacks by simply being really funny, instead of making the customary rounds of repentance and apologia.

    Mr. Kelly cited the example of Ms. Silverman, who was criticized for using an epithet offensive to many Asian-Americans in a joke during "Late Night With Conan O'Brien" in 2001. She never apologized and even worked the incident itself into a new comedy bit that continued to use the word — in essence, defending her comedy with comedy (though many viewers were not placated and will never find the joke funny).

    Mr. Wilmore said that instead of apologizing Mr. Imus probably "should have said, 'You know, it's hard out here for a pimp.' Or something like that. Say something really funny."

    "It's his job to remind people that he's irreverent, and he's a satirist," he added. "I certainly would have done that. I'd have tried to entertain my way out of it."


  • Today's Papers,Iraq War,Sexual Attraction,Sexuality

    Sexuality Is Written in the Genes

    John Hersey
    April 10, 2007

    Pas de Deux of Sexuality Is Written in the Genes

    When it comes to the matter of desire, evolution leaves little to chance. Human sexual behavior is not a free-form performance, biologists are finding, but is guided at every turn by genetic programs.

    Desire between the sexes is not a matter of choice. Straight men, it seems, have neural circuits that prompt them to seek out women; gay men have those prompting them to seek other men. Women's brains may be organized to select men who seem likely to provide for them and their children. The deal is sealed with other neural programs that induce a burst of romantic love, followed by long-term attachment.

    So much fuss, so intricate a dance, all to achieve success on the simple scale that is all evolution cares about, that of raisingthe greatest number of children to adulthood. Desire may seem the core of human sexual behavior, but it is just the central act in a long drama whose script is written quite substantially in the genes.

    In the womb, the body of a developing fetus is female by default and becomes male if the male-determining gene known as SRY is present. This dominant gene, the Y chromosome's proudest and almost only possession, sidetracks the reproductive tissue from its ovarian fate and switches it into becoming testes. Hormones from the testes, chiefly testosterone, mold the body into male form.

    In puberty, the reproductive systems are primed for action by the brain. Amazing electrical machine that it may be, the brain can also behave like a humble gland. In the hypothalamus, at the central base of the brain, lie a cluster of about 2,000 neurons that ignite puberty when they start to secrete pulses of gonadotropin-releasing hormone, which sets off a cascade of other hormones.

    The trigger that stirs these neurons is still unknown, but probably the brain monitors internal signals as to whether the body is ready to reproduce and external cues as to whether circumstances are propitious for yielding to desire.

    Several advances in the last decade have underlined the bizarre fact that the brain is a full-fledged sexual organ, in that the two sexes have profoundly different versions of it. This is the handiwork of testosterone, which masculinizes the brain as thoroughly as it does the rest of the body.

    It is a misconception that the differences between men's and women's brains are small or erratic or found only in a few extreme cases, Dr. Larry Cahill of the University of California, Irvine, wrote last year in Nature Reviews Neuroscience. Widespread regions of the cortex, the brain's outer layer that performs much of its higher-level processing, are thicker in women. The hippocampus, where initial memories are formed, occupies a larger fraction of the female brain.

    Techniques for imaging the brain have begun to show that men and women use their brains in different ways even when doing the same thing. In the case of the amygdala, a pair of organs that helps prioritize memories according to their emotional strength, women use the left amygdala for this purpose but men tend to use the right.

    It is no surprise that the male and female versions of the human brain operate in distinct patterns, despite the heavy influence of culture. The male brain is sexually oriented toward women as an object of desire. The most direct evidence comes from a handful of cases, some of them circumcision accidents, in which boy babies have lost their penises and been reared as female. Despite every social inducement to the opposite, they grow up desiring women as partners, not men.

    "If you can't make a male attracted to other males by cutting off his penis, how strong could any psychosocial effect be?" said J. Michael Bailey, an expert on sexual orientation at Northwestern University.

    Presumably the masculinization of the brain shapes some neural circuit that makes women desirable. If so, this circuitry is wired differently in gay men. In experiments in which subjects are shown photographs of desirable men or women, straight men are aroused by women, gay men by men.

    Such experiments do not show the same clear divide with women. Whether women describe themselves as straight or lesbian, "Their sexual arousal seems to be relatively indiscriminate — they get aroused by both male and female images," Dr. Bailey said. "I'm not even sure females have a sexual orientation. But they have sexual preferences. Women are very picky, and most choose to have sex with men."

    Dr. Bailey believes that the systems for sexual orientation and arousal make men go out and find people to have sex with, whereas women are more focused on accepting or rejecting those who seek sex with them.

    Similar differences between the sexes are seen by Marc Breedlove, a neuroscientist at Michigan State University. "Most males are quite stubborn in their ideas about which sex they want to pursue, while women seem more flexible," he said.

    Sexual orientation, at least for men, seems to be settled before birth. "I think most of the scientists working on these questions are convinced that the antecedents of sexual orientation in males are happening early in life, probably before birth," Dr. Breedlove said, "whereas for females, some are probably born to become gay, but clearly some get there quite late in life."

    Sexual behavior includes a lot more than sex. Helen Fisher, an anthropologist at Rutgers University, argues that three primary brain systems have evolved to direct reproductive behavior. One is the sex drive that motivates people to seek partners. A second is a program for romantic attraction that makes people fixate on specific partners. Third is a mechanism for long-term attachment that induces people to stay together long enough to complete their parental duties.

    Romantic love, which in its intense early stage "can last 12-18 months," is a universal human phenomenon, Dr. Fisher wrote last year in The Proceedings of the Royal Society, and is likely to be a built-in feature of the brain. Brain imaging studies show that a particular area of the brain, one associated with the reward system, is activated when subjects contemplate a photo of their lover.

    The best evidence for a long-term attachment process in mammals comes from studies of voles, a small mouselike rodent. A hormone called vasopressin, which is active in the brain, leads some voles to stay pair-bonded for life. People possess the same hormone, suggesting a similar mechanism could be at work in humans, though this has yet to be proved.

    Researchers have devoted considerable effort to understanding homosexuality in men and women, both for its intrinsic interest and for the light it could shed on the more usual channels of desire. Studies of twins show that homosexuality, especially among men, is quite heritable, meaning there is a genetic component to it. But since gay men have about one-fifth as many children as straight men, any gene favoring homosexuality should quickly disappear from the population.

    Such genes could be retained if gay men were unusually effective protectors of their nephews and nieces, helping genes just like theirs get into future generations. But gay men make no better uncles than straight men, according to a study by Dr. Bailey. So that leaves the possibility that being gay is a byproduct of a gene that persists because it enhances fertility in other family members. Some studies have found that gay men have more relatives than straight men, particularly on their mother's side.

    But Dr. Bailey believes the effect, if real, would be more clear-cut. "Male homosexuality is evolutionarily maladaptive," he said, noting that the phrase means only that genes favoring homosexuality cannot be favored by evolution if fewer such genes reach the next generation.

    A somewhat more straightforward clue to the origin of homosexuality is the fraternal birth order effect. Two Canadian researchers, Ray Blanchard and Anthony F. Bogaert, have shown that having older brothers substantially increases the chances that a man will be gay. Older sisters don't count, nor does it matter whether the brothers are in the house when the boy is reared.

    The finding suggests that male homosexuality in these cases is caused by some event in the womb, such as "a maternal immune response to succeeding male pregnancies," Dr. Bogaert wrote last year in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. Antimale antibodies could perhaps interfere with the usual masculinization of the brain that occurs before birth, though no such antibodies have yet been detected.

    The fraternal birth order effect is quite substantial. Some 15 percent of gay men can attribute their homosexuality to it, based on the assumption that 1 percent to 4 percent of men are gay, and each additional older brother increases the odds of same-sex attraction by 33 percent.

    The effect supports the idea that the levels of circulating testosterone before birth are critical in determining sexual orientation. But testosterone in the fetus cannot be measured, and as adults, gay and straight men have the same levels of the hormone, giving no clue to prenatal exposure. So the hypothesis, though plausible, has not been proved.

    A significant recent advance in understanding the basis of sexuality and desire has been the discovery that genes may have a direct effect on the sexual differentiation of the brain. Researchers had long assumed that steroid hormones like testosterone and estrogen did all the heavy lifting of shaping the male and female brains. But Arthur Arnold of the University of California, Los Angeles, has found that male and female neurons behave somewhat differently when kept in laboratory glassware. And last year Eric Vilain, also of U.C.L.A., made the surprising finding that the SRY gene is active in certain cells of the brain, at least in mice. Its brain role is quite different from its testosterone-related activities, and women's neurons presumably perform that role by other means.

    It so happens that an unusually large number of brain-related genes are situated on the X chromosome. The sudden emergence of the X and Y chromosomes in brain function has caught the attention of evolutionary biologists. Since men have only one X chromosome, natural selection can speedily promote any advantageous mutation that arises in one of the X's genes. So if those picky women should be looking for smartness in prospective male partners, that might explain why so many brain-related genes ended up on the X.

    "It's popular among male academics to say that females preferred smarter guys," Dr. Arnold said. "Such genes will be quickly selected in males because new beneficial mutations will be quickly apparent."

    Several profound consequences follow from the fact that men have only one copy of the many X-related brain genes and women two. One is that many neurological diseases are more common in men because women are unlikely to suffer mutations in both copies of a gene.

    Another is that men, as a group, "will have more variable brain phenotypes," Dr. Arnold writes, because women's second copy of every gene dampens the effects of mutations that arise in the other.

    Greater male variance means that although average IQ is identical in men and women, there are fewer average men and more at both extremes. Women's care in selecting mates, combined with the fast selection made possible by men's lack of backup copies of X-related genes, may have driven the divergence between male and female brains. The same factors could explain, some researchers believe, why the human brain has tripled in volume over just the last 2.5 million years.

    Who can doubt it? It is indeed desire that makes the world go round.

     

    Birds Do It. Bees Do It.

    John Hersey

    April 10, 2007

    Birds Do It. Bees Do It. People Seek the Keys to It.

    Sexual desire. The phrase alone holds such loaded, voluptuous power that the mere expression of it sounds like a come-on — a little pungent, a little smutty, a little comical and possibly indictable.

    Everybody with a pair of currently or formerly active gonads knows about sexual desire. It is a near-universal experience, the invisible clause on one's birth certificate stipulating that one will, upon reaching maturity, feel the urge to engage in activities often associated with the issuance of more birth certificates.

    Yet universal does not mean uniform, and the definitions of sexual desire can be as quirky and personalized as the very chromosomal combinations that sexual reproduction will yield. Ask an assortment of men and women, "What is sexual desire, and how do you know you're feeling it?" and after some initial embarrassed mutterings and demands for anonymity, they answer as follows:

    "There's a little bit of adrenaline, a puffing of the chest, a bit of anticipatory tongue motion," said a divorced lawyer in his late 40s.

    "I feel relaxed, warm and comfortable," said a designer in her 30s.

    "A yearning to kiss or grab someone who might respond," said a male filmmaker, 50. "Or if I'm alone, to call up exes."

    "Listening to Noam Chomsky," said a psychologist in her 50s, "always turns me on."

    For researchers in the field of human sexuality, the wide variance in how people characterize sexual desire and describe its most salient features is a source of challenge and opportunity, pleasure and pain. "We throw around the term 'sexual desire' as though we're all sure we're talking about the same thing," said Lisa M. Diamond, an associate professor of psychology at the University of Utah. "But it's clear from the research that people have very different operational definitions about what desire is."

    At the same time, the researchers said, it is precisely the complexity of sexual desire, the depth, richness and tangled spangle of its weave, that call out to be understood.

    An understanding could hardly come too soon. In an era when the rates of sexually transmitted diseases continue to climb; when schools and parent groups spar bitterly over curriculums for sex education classes; when the Food and Drug Administration angers both religious conservatives and women's groups by approving the sale of the morning-after pill over the counter but then limiting those sales to women 18 years or older; and when deviations from the putative norm of monogamous heterosexuality are presented as threats to the social fabric — at such a time, scientists argue that the clear-eyed study of sexual desire and its consequences is vital to public health, public sanity, public comity.

    "Sexual desire may be complicated, but that doesn't mean it's chaotic," said Julia R. Heiman, director of the Kinsey Institute for Research in Sex, Gender and Reproduction in Bloomington, Ind. "We can make an honest attempt to understand what sexual desire is and what it is not, and that it is important to do so."

    Meredith L. Chivers, a researcher at the Center for Addiction and Mental Health in Toronto, concurs. "Sexuality is such a huge part of who we are. How could we not want to understand it?"

    Unabashed about acting on their academic appetites, sexologists have gained a wealth of new and often surprising insights into the nature and architecture of sexual desire. They are tracing how men and women diverge in their experience, and where they converge. They are learning how and why people pursue the erotic partners they do, and the circumstances under which those tastes are either fixed or fluid.

    Some researchers are delving into the neural, anatomical and emotional mechanisms that modulate and micromanage sexual desire and sexual arousal; others are exploring the role that culture plays in plucking or muffling the strings of desire. The pragmatists in sexology's ranks are seeking better bedside medicines — new ways to help people who feel they suffer from an excess or deficit of sexual desire.

    One recent standout discovery upends the canonical model of how the typical sex act unfolds, particularly for women but very likely for men as well.

    According to the sequence put forward in the mid-20th century by the pioneering sex researchers William H. Masters, Virginia E. Johnson and Helen Singer Kaplan, a sexual encounter begins with desire, a craving for sex that arises of its own accord and prods a person to seek a partner. That encounter then leads to sexual arousal, followed by sexual excitement, a desperate fumbling with buttons and related clothing fasteners, a lot of funny noises, climax and resolution (I will never drink Southern Comfort at the company barbecue again).

    A plethora of new findings, however, suggest that the experience of desire may be less a forerunner to sex than an afterthought, the cognitive overlay that the brain gives to the sensation of already having been aroused by some sort of physical or subliminal stimulus — a brush on the back of the neck, say, or the sight of a ripe apple, or wearing a hard hat on a construction site and being surrounded by other men in similar haberdashery.

    In a series of studies at the University of Amsterdam, Ellen Laan, Stephanie Both and Mark Spiering demonstrated that the body's entire motor system is activated almost instantly by exposure to sexual images, and that the more intensely sexual the visuals, the stronger the electric signals emitted by the participants' so-called spinal tendious reflexes. By the looks of it, Dr. Laan said, the body is primed for sex before the mind has had a moment to leer.

    "We think that sexual desire emerges from sexual stimulation, the activation of one's sexual system," she said in a telephone interview.

    Moreover, she said, arousal is not necessarily a conscious process. In other experiments, Dr. Spiering and his colleagues showed that when college students were exposed to sexual images too fleetingly for the subjects to report having noticed them, the participants were nevertheless much quicker to identify subsequent sexual images than were the control students who had been flashed with neutral images.

    "Our sexual responsiveness can be activated or enhanced by stimuli we're not even aware of," Dr. Laan said.

    By reordering the sexual timeline and placing desire after arousal, rather than vice versa, the new research fits into the pattern that neurobiologists have lately observed for other areas of life. Before we are conscious of wanting to do anything — wave at a friend, open a book — the brain regions needed to perform the activity are already ablaze. The notion that any of us is the Decider, the proactive plotter of our most lubricious desires, scientists say, may simply be a happy and perhaps necessary illusion.

    The new findings also suggest that in some cases, the best approach for treating those who suffer from low sex drive may be to focus on enhancing arousability rather than desire — to forget about sexy thoughts and to emphasize sexy feelings, the physical cues or activities that arouse one's sexual circuitry. The rest will unwind from there, with the ease of a weighted shade.

    Researchers have also gathered considerable evidence that the sensations of sexual arousal, desire and excitement are governed by two basic and distinctively operating pathways in the brain — one that promotes sexual enthusiasm, another that inhibits it. An originator of this novel concept, Erick Janssen of the Kinsey Institute, compares these mechanisms to the pedals of a car.

    "If you let go of the gas pedal, you'll slow down," he said, "but that's not the same as stepping on the brakes."

    In any given individual, each pedal may be easier or harder to press. One person may be quick to become aroused, but equally quick to stifle that response at the slightest distraction. Another may be tough to get started, but once galvanized "will not lose sexual arousal even if the ceiling comes down," Dr. Janssen said. Still another may be saddled with both a feeble sexual accelerator and an overzealous sexual inhibitor, an unenviable pairing most likely correlated with a taste for beige pantsuits and the music of Loggins and Messina.

    Dr. Janssen and his colleagues have developed extensive questionnaires to measure individual differences in sexual excitability and inhibition, asking participants how strongly they agree or disagree with statements like "When I am taking a shower or a bath, I easily become sexually aroused" and "If there is a risk of unwanted pregnancy, I am unlikely to get sexually aroused."

    The researchers have also explored the physiological, emotional and cognitive underpinnings associated with high scores and low. In one recent study, they recruited 40 male undergraduates and determined by questionnaire the subjects' relative degree of sexual excitability and inhibition. Each participant was then ushered into a plush, private room with low lighting, a comfortable recliner and a television monitor and instructed in how to place the aptly named Rigiscan device on his genitals.

    Thus outfitted, the student s watched a series of erotic film clips, some classified as "nonthreatening" and depicting couples engaged in mutually animated consensual sex, others of a "threatening" variety featuring coercive, violent sex.

    Analyzing the excitability and inhibition variables separately, the researchers found that the men who had scored high on the questionnaire in sexual excitability showed, on average, a swifter and more robust penile response to all the erotic films than did the low scorers, regardless of the comparative violence or charm of the material viewed.

    More intriguing still were the divergent sexual responses between men who ranked high on the inhibition scale and those who scored low. Whereas both groups reacted to the nonthreatening sex scenes with an equivalently hearty degree of tumescence, only the low scorers — those whose answers to the questionnaire indicated they had scant sexual inhibition — maintained an enthusiastic physiological response when confronted with film clips of sexual brutality.

    The results suggest that having a good set of sexual brakes not only dampens the willingness to commit rape or sexual abuse, but the desire as well, giving the lie to notions that "all men are the same" and would be likely to rape their way through the local maiden population if they thought they could get away with it.

    The researchers have also found a link between sexual inhibition and sexual risk-taking: men who are low in inhibition do not necessarily engage in more or kinkier sex than do their high-inhibition counterparts, but the odds are greater that they will forgo condoms if they indulge.

    Most of the studies on the autonomy of sexual brakes and accelerators have been done on men, but scientists lately have begun applying the dual-control model to their studies of female sexuality as well. At first they used a slightly modified version of the excitement/inhibition questionnaire that had proved valuable for assessing men, but they soon realized that their menu of sex situations and checklist of physical arousal cues might be missing large swaths of a woman's sexual persona.

    What was the feminine equivalent of an erection anyway? Was it vaginal swelling and lubrication, or something else entirely? Women are generally smaller and less muscular than men. What might the feeling of being physically threatened do to enhance or hamper a woman's sexual appetite?

    "We started putting together focus groups, asking women to tell us the various things that might turn them on and turn them off sexually, and how they know when they're sexually aroused," said Stephanie A. Sanders of the Kinsey Institute and Indiana University. "They mentioned a heightened sense of awareness, genital tingling, butterflies in the stomach, increased heart rate and skin sensitivity, muscle tightness. Then we asked them if they thought the female parallel to an erection is genital lubrication, and they said no, no, you can get wet when you're not aroused, it changes with the menstrual cycle, it's not a meaningful measure."

    Through the focus groups, Dr. Sanders and her colleagues compiled a new, female-friendly but admittedly cumbersome draft questionnaire that they whittled down into a useful research tool. They asked 655 women, ages 18 to 81, to complete the draft survey and scrutinized the results in search of areas of concurrence and variability.

    The researchers have identified a number of dimensions on which their beta testers agreed. For example, 93 to 96 percent of the 655 respondents strongly endorsed statements that linked sexual arousal to "feeling connected to" or "loved by" a partner, and to the belief that the partner is "really interested in me as a person"; they also concurred that they have trouble getting excited when they are "feeling unattractive."

    But women's tastes varied widely in many of the finer details of seduction and setting. "Some women say they find the male body odor attractive, others repulsive," Dr. Sanders said. "Some women are turned on by the idea of having sex in an unusual or unconcealed place where they may be caught in the act, while others have a hard time getting aroused if they think others may hear them, or the kids will walk in."

    Conventional wisdom has it that a woman's libido is stifled by unhappiness, anxiety or anger, but the survey showed that about 25 percent of women used sex to lift them out of a bad mood or to resolve a marital spat.

    Women also differed in the importance they accorded a man's physical appearance, with many expressing a comparatively greater likelihood of being aroused by evidence of talent or intelligence — say, while watching a man deliver a great speech.

    The researchers are now trying to correlate women's sexual inhibition and excitement ratings to their sexual behavior and sexual self-image— whether they are likely to engage in risky sex, dissatisfying sex or no sex at all.

    Other scientists have devised surveys of their own to plumb the depths and contours of sexual desire. Richard A. Lippa, a professor of psychology at California State University in Fullerton, for months invited anybody with the time and interest to take his online survey, in which he asked people to rate their reactions to statements like "I frequently think about sex," "It doesn't take much to get me sexually excited," "I fantasize about having sex with men," "I think a woman's body is sexy" and "If I were looking through a catalog with sexy swimsuits, I'd spend more time looking at the men in the pictures than the women."

    Dr. Lippa has collected responses from more than 200,000 people around the world, and, though he has yet to complete his analysis of the data, a number of salient findings shine through. Whether the test-takers live in North America, Latin America, Britain, Western Europe or Japan, he said, men on average report having a higher sex drive than women, and women prove comparatively more variable in their sex drive.

    "Men have a consistently high sex drive," he said, "while in women you see more low sex drive and more high sex drive."

    Women's sexual fluidity extends beyond the strength of desire, he said, to encompass the objects of that desire. In his survey, heterosexual women who rated their sex drive as high turned out to have an increased attraction to women as well as to men.

    "This is not to say that all women are bisexual," Dr. Lippa said. "Most of the heterosexual women would still describe themselves as more attracted to men than to women." Still, the mere presence of a hearty sexual appetite seemed to expand a heterosexual woman's appreciation of her fellow women's forms. By contrast, the men were more black-and-white in their predilections. If they were straight and had an especially high sex drive, that concupiscence applied only to women; if gay, to other men.

    Dr. Diamond of the University of Utah also has evidence that women's sexual attractions are, as she put it, "more nonexclusive than men's."

    One factor that may contribute to women's sexual ambidextrousness, some researchers suggest, is the intriguing and poorly understood nonspecificity of women's physical reactions to sexual stimuli. As Dr. Chivers of the Center for Addiction and Mental Health and other researchers have found, women and men show very divergent patterns of genital arousal while viewing material with sexual content.

    For men, there is a strong concordance between their physiological and psychological states. If they are looking at images that they describe as sexually arousing, they get erections. When the images are not to their expressed taste or sexual orientation, however, their genitals remain unmoved.

    For women, the correlation between pelvic and psychic excitement is virtually nil. Women's genitals, it seems, respond to all sex, all the time. Show a woman scenes of a man and a woman having sex, or two women having sex, or two men, or even two bonobos, Dr. Chivers said, and as a rule her genitals will become measurably congested and lubricated, although in many cases she may not be aware of the response.

    Ask her what she thinks of the material viewed, however, and she will firmly declare that she liked this scene, found that one repellent, and, frankly, the chimpanzee bit didn't do it for her at all. Regardless of declared sexual orientation, Dr. Chivers said, "with women, there's a discrepancy between stated preference and physiological arousal, and this discrepancy has been seen consistently across studies."

    Again, the why of it remains a mystery. Dr. Chivers and others have hypothesized that the mechanism is protective. Women are ever in danger of being raped, they said, and by automatically lubricating at the mere hint of sex, they may avoid damage during forced intercourse to that evolutionarily all-important reproductive tract.

    Regardless of gender or relative genital congestion, people attend almost reflexively to sexual imagery. In an effort to trace that response back to the body's premier sex organ, Kim Wallen and his colleagues at Emory University in Atlanta have performed brain scans on volunteers as the subjects viewed a series of sexually explicit photographs. The researchers discovered that men's and women's brains reacted differently to the images. Most notably, men showed far more activity than women did in the amygdala, the almond-contoured brain sector long associated with powerful emotions like fear and anger rather than with anything erotic.

    Heather Rupp, a graduate student in Dr. Wallen's lab, tried to determine whether the divergent brain responses were a result of divergent appraisals, of men and women focusing on different parts of the same photographs. "We hypothesized, based on common lore, that women would look at faces, and men at genitals," Dr. Wallen said.

    But on tracking the eye movements of study participants as they sized up erotic photographs, Ms. Rupp dashed those prior assumptions. "The big surprise was that men looked at the faces much more than women did," Dr. Wallen said, "and both looked at the genitals comparably."

    The researchers had also predicted that men would be more drawn than women to close-up views of genitalia, but it turned out that everybody flipped past them as quickly as possible. Women lingered longer and with greater stated enjoyment than did their male counterparts on photographs of men performing oral sex on women; and they noticed more fashion details. "We got spontaneous reports from the women that we never got from the males, comments like 'I would have liked the photos better if the people didn't have those ridiculous '70s hairstyles,' " Dr. Wallen said.

    He proposes that one reason men would scrutinize faces in pornographic imagery is that a man often looks to a woman's face for cues to her level of sexual arousal, since her body, unlike a man's, does not give her away.

    Some researchers say that on average, male sexual desire is not only stronger than women's, but also more constant from hour to hour, day to day. They point to a significant body of research suggesting a certain cyclic nature to female desire, and some say women only begin to attain masculine heights of lustiness during the few days of the month that they are fertile.

    Studies have indicated, for example, that women are likelier to fantasize about sex, masturbate, initiate sex with their mates, wear provocative clothing and frequent singles bars right around ovulation than at any other time of the month. Women obviously can, and do, have sex outside their window of reproductive opportunity, but it makes good Darwinian sense, Dr. Wallen said, for them to have some extra oomph while they are fertile.

    Men, by contrast, are generally fecund all month long, and they are theoretically ever anxious to share that bounty with others, a state of perpetual readiness that Roy F. Baumeister, a psychology professor at Florida State University, described as "the tragedy of the male sex drive."

    Yet some experts argue that such absolutist formulas neglect the importance of age, experience, culture and circumstance in determining the strength of any individual's sexual desire.

    "Baumeister's ideas may have some validity for people in nonmarried relationships who are under the age of 40," said Barry W. McCarthy, a sex therapist in Washington and one of the venerable voices in the field. "But as men and women age, they become much more alike in so many ways, including in their sexual desire."

    For women, Dr. McCarthy said, "sex feels more in their control and safer for them," while the aging man loses the need to imagine himself the "sexual master of the universe."

    As one married male photographer and editor in his mid-50s said, "Jeez, when I was 20, I couldn't walk straight," but now he is sexually much looser and "unconcerned." And while he considers his libido to be of standard dimensions for men his age, he also said it "exactly matches that of my partner."

    Together they walk the line.


     

    Protest in Iraq Demands U.S. Withdraw

    Wathiq Khuzaie/Getty Images

    Protesters waved Iraqi flags as they marched in Najaf, south of Baghdad, to demand the withdrawal of U.S. forces. Event security was handled by Iraqi troops and police officers, and there were no reports of violence

    April 10, 2007

    Huge Protest in Iraq Demands U.S. Withdraw

    BAGHDAD, April 9 — Tens of thousands of protesters loyal to Moktada al-Sadr, the Shiite cleric, took to the streets of the holy city of Najaf on Monday in an extraordinarily disciplined rally to demand an end to the American military presence in Iraq, burning American flags and chanting "Death to America!"

    Residents said that the angry, boisterous demonstration was the largest in Najaf, the heart of Shiite religious power, since the American-led invasion in 2003. It took place on the fourth anniversary of the fall of Baghdad, and it was an obvious effort by Mr. Sadr to show the extent of his influence here in Iraq, even though he did not appear at the rally. Mr. Sadr went underground after the American military began a new security push in Baghdad on Feb. 14, and his whereabouts are unknown.

    Mr. Sadr used the protest to try to reassert his image as a nationalist rebel who appeals to both anti-American Shiites and Sunni Arabs. He established that reputation in 2004, when he publicly supported Sunni insurgents in Falluja who were battling United States marines, and quickly gained popularity among Sunnis across Iraq and the region. But his nationalist credentials have been tarnished in the last year, as Sunni Arabs have accused Mr. Sadr's militia, the Mahdi Army, of torturing and killing Sunnis.

    Iraqi policemen and soldiers lined the path taken by the protesters, and there were no reports of violence during the day. The American military handed security oversight of the city and province of Najaf to the Iraqi government in December, and the calm atmosphere showed that the Iraqi security forces could maintain control, keeping suicide bombers away from an obvious target. In March, when millions of Shiite pilgrims flocked to the holy cities of the south, Iraqi security forces in provinces adjoining Najaf failed to stop bombers from killing scores of them.

    Vehicles were not allowed near Monday's march, and Baghdad had a daylong ban on traffic to prevent outbreaks of violence.

    During the protest in Najaf, Sadr followers draped themselves in Iraqi flags and waved them to symbolize national unity, and a small number of conservative Sunni Arabs took part in the march.

    "We have 30 people who came," said Ayad Abdul Wahab, an agriculture professor in Basra and an official in the Iraqi Islamic Party, a leading fundamentalist Sunni Arab group. "We support Moktada in this demonstration, and we stress our rejection of foreign occupation."

    He and his friends together carried a 30-foot-long Iraqi flag.

    In the four years of war, the only other person who has been able to call for protests of this scale has been Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Iraq's most powerful Shiite cleric, who, like Mr. Sadr, has a home in Najaf.

    The protest was in some ways another challenge to the Shiite clerical hierarchy, showing that in the new Iraq, a violent young upstart like Mr. Sadr can command the masses right in the backyard of venerable clerics like Ayatollah Sistani. Mr. Sadr has increasingly tapped into a powerful desire among Shiites to stand up forcefully to both the American presence and militant Sunnis, and to ignore calls for moderation from older clerics.

    Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, an American military spokesman in Baghdad, said that American officers had helped officials in Najaf plan security for the event, but that the Iraqis had taken the lead.

    Colonel Garver and other American officials tried to put the best possible light on the event, despite the fiery words. "We say that we're here to support democracy," he said. "We say that free speech and freedom of assembly are part of that. While we don't necessarily agree with the message, we agree with their right to say it."

    The protest unfolded as heavy fighting continued in parts of Diwaniya, a southern city where American and Iraqi forces have been battling cells of the Mahdi Army since Friday. Mr. Sadr issued a statement on Sunday calling for the Mahdi militiamen and the Iraqi forces there to stop fighting each other, but those words went unheeded. Gun battles broke out on Monday, and an American officer said at a news conference that at least one American soldier had been killed and one wounded in four days of clashes.

    That fighting and the protest in Najaf, as well as Mr. Sadr's mysterious absence, raise questions about how much control he actually maintains over his militia. Mr. Sadr is obviously still able to order huge numbers of people into the streets, but there has been talk that branches of his militia have split off and now operate independently. In Baghdad, some Mahdi Army cells have refrained in the last two months from attacking Americans and carrying out killings of Sunni Arabs, supposedly on orders from Mr. Sadr, but bodies of Sunnis have begun reappearing in some neighborhoods in recent weeks.

    The protest in Najaf was made up mostly of young men, many of whom drove down from the sprawling Sadr City section of Baghdad, some 100 miles north, the previous night. They gathered Monday morning in the town of Kufa, where Mr. Sadr has his main mosque, and walked a few miles to Sadrain Square in Najaf. Protesters stomped on American flags and burned them. "No, no America; leave, leave occupier," they chanted. At Sadrain Square, the protesters listened to a statement read over loudspeakers that was attributed to Mr. Sadr.

    "Oh Iraqi people, you are aware, as 48 months have passed, that we live in a state of oppression, unjust repression and occupation," the statement read. "Forty-eight hard months — that make four years — in which we have gotten nothing but more killing, destruction and degradation. Tens of people are being killed every day. Tens are disabled every day."

    Mr. Sadr added: "America made efforts to stoke sectarian strife, and here I would like to tell you, the sons of the two rivers, that you have proved your ability to surpass difficulties and sacrifice yourselves, despite the conspiracies of the evil powers against you."

    An Interior Ministry employee in a flowing tan robe, Haider Abdul Rahim Mustafa, 23, said that he had come from Basra "to demand the withdrawal of the occupier."

    "The occupier supported Saddam and helped him to become stronger, then removed him because his cards were burned," he said, using an Arabic expression to note that Saddam Hussein was no longer useful to the United States. "The fall of Saddam means nothing to us as long as the alternative is the American occupation."

    Estimates of the crowd's size varied wildly. A police commander in Najaf, Brig. Gen. Abdul Karim al-Mayahi, said there were at least half a million people. Colonel Garver said that military reports had estimates of 5,000 to 7,000. Residents and other Iraqi officials said there were tens of thousands, and television images of the rally seemed to support their estimates.

    The colonel declined to give any information on the whereabouts of Mr. Sadr, though American military officials said weeks ago that they believed he is in Iran. Mr. Sadr's aides declined to say where he is, but previously they have said he remained in Iraq.

    In Diwaniya, hospital officials said their wards were overwhelmed by casualties. There was a shortage of food and oxygen, and ambulances were being blocked from the scene of combat, said Dr. Hamid Jaati, the city's health director. The main hospital received 13 dead Iraqis and 41 injured ones over the weekend, he added.

    The fighting started Friday after the provincial council and governor called for the Iraqi Army and American forces to take on the Sadr militiamen. The governor and 28 of 40 council members belong to a powerful Shiite party called the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, which is the main rival to the Sadr organization. Sadr officials have accused the party of using the military to carry out a political grudge, but the governor, Khalil Jalil Hamza, denied that on Monday.

    In Diyala Province, northeast of Baghdad, a suicide car bomb killed three civilians and wounded four others on Sunday night, police officials said Monday. Also in Diyala, a local politician was fatally shot on Monday in Hibhib, and three bodies were found in Khalis.

    Iraqi employees of The New York Times contributed reporting from Najaf and Diwaniya.


     

    Today's :P apers

    Anniversary Message
    By Daniel Politi
    Posted Tuesday, April 10, 2007, at 5:36 A.M. E.T. 

    The New York Times leads, and the Wall Street Journal tops its world-wide newsbox, with the thousands of Iraqis who answered Shiite cleric Muqtada Sadr's calls for a protest to oppose the presence of U.S. troops on the fourth anniversary of the fall of Baghdad. The peaceful protesters gathered in the southern city of Najaf, where they chanted anti-occupation slogans and burned American flags. The Los Angeles Times leads with more evidence of how the U.S. military is struggling to find the necessary troops for Iraq. Approximately 13,000 National Guard troops were told that they should expect to be sent to Iraq late this year. Defense Secretary Robert Gates is also considering issuing four-month extensions for approximately 15,000 soldiers currently in Iraq.

    USA Today leads with Iran's announcement that it is now able to produce nuclear fuel on an industrial scale, which would signify a major development in the country's nuclear program. But no one seems to actually believe Iran's claims and most experts seem to agree the announcement was more about politics than actual capabilities. The Washington Post leads locally and off-leads a look at the role mortgage fraud played in creating the real estate boom.

    Estimates on how many people were present at the demonstrations yesterday in Najaf varied widely, but, as everyone notes, it once again served to demonstrate Sadr's power. Conveniently, this comes after there was some speculation that Sadr was losing power over his militia, the Mahdi Army. Sadr didn't attend the protest, and, in fact, he hasn't been seen for weeks, but he did put forward a message that was meant to appeal to all Iraqis. The NYT has the best story on the protests and says that the only cleric who has ever been able to call for a demonstration this large is Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. But just because Sadr can gather large crowds doesn't necessarily mean he can still control the Mahdi Army.

    On Sunday, Sadr had called on the Mahdi Army and Iraqi forces to stop fighting each other in the southern city of Diwaniya to unite against the United States. Were his calls answered? Depends on whom you believe. The NYT says the fighting continued, while the LAT says the fighting "subsided" after Sadr's plea. But what does all this mean? No one is exactly sure, and as the LAT helpfully notes, "[T]he next move of Sadr's supporters is a riddle." It is still unclear whether Sadr is calling on his supporters to fight the Americans or if he just wants to show the Iraqi government (not to mention U.S. officials) that he can't be ignored.

    The announcement that National Guard troops will be deployed didn't exactly come as a surprise, but it's significant largely because many of those called have already served in Iraq or Afghanistan. Their deployment, however, would not come until December and is unrelated to the increase in troops that is part of the new security crackdown. That means the Pentagon has to find other troops for that purpose, and that is why the Pentagon is currently considering the four-month extensions for five brigades.

    While everyone goes inside with President Bush officially announcing his latest push to change the country's immigration policies, the Post fronts an interesting look at what it says is the "fast-growing" number of cities and towns that are trying to embrace illegal immigrants. Much attention has been paid to places that are trying to push out illegal immigrants with local laws, but some communities are doing the opposite. In order to encourage illegal immigrants to come out of hiding, some are providing more services and forbidding police officers from asking about immigration status.

    Everyone goes inside with word that Britain's Defense Ministry has changed its mind and now says the troops that were held captive in Iran are not allowed to sell their stories to the media. The initial decision to allow it was widely criticized by politicians and families of soldiers who have been killed in Iraq and Afghanistan. Two of the 15 service members already told their stories in exchange for payment. Meanwhile, Iranian television broadcast images that show the detained sailors and marines playing pingpong and watching soccer to counter the claims that they were treated poorly while in captivity.

    The NYT reefers, and everyone mentions, the decision by CBS Radio and MSNBC to suspend Don Imus' radio show for two weeks starting Monday. The decision came after Imus spent most of the day yesterday trying to somehow explain why he called the Rutgers University women's basketball team "nappy-headed hos." As part of showing just how sorry he is (or as the WP's Lisa de Moraes calls it, "his Walk of Shame"), Imus appeared on the Rev. Al Sharpton's radio show to apologize.

    In an editorial, the Post says its up to Imus' employers to decide whether to keep the show but wonders why anyone would want to be a guest and be associated with his remarks. USAT's editorial doesn't call for the radio host's ouster but does provide a succinct paragraph that goes through some of the more offensive statements Imus has uttered throughout the years. And the NYT publishes an op-ed by journalist Gwen Ifill, whom Imus famously called a "cleaning lady" in the early '90s.

    Today's must-read is the first-person account by the LAT's former Baghdad bureau chief, Borzou Daragahi, which the paper publishes on Page One. Daragahi first arrived in Iraq more than four years ago and now, as he gets ready for a new assignment, he writes about how during his time in Iraq he often had to pretend to be someone else in order to survive. But the piece is more than just an account of how difficult it is to report in Iraq, as Daragahi talks about how Iraq became his life, an obsession he couldn't stop thinking about even when he was not in the country. Despite all the carnage ("I even got used to the smell of burnt flesh"), the dead friends, and the risks, Daragahi is honest: "I miss the action."

    Daniel Politi writes "Today's Papers" for Slate. He can be reached at todayspapers@slate.com

  • DNA Tests,Romantic Revulsion,Older Parents, Fashion

    The Headmaster of Fashion

    Josh Haner/The New York Times

    Tim Gunn walks the line at open auditions for "Project Runway" in Times Square.

    Hiroko Masuike for The New York Times

    Tim Gunn juggles two roles these days, as the chief creative officer of Liz

    Claiborne and as a judge of aspiring designers on TV

    April 12, 2007

    The Headmaster of Fashion

    A deceptively sweet-looking Daniel Vosovic arched a dark brow beneath his willfully tousled curls, turned to the man seated to his right and cut straight to the bone.

    "If you ever send an e-mail to me and sign it, 'Best wishes,' I'll know you're just trying to pacify me," he said with a mocking tone that had the effect of a match dropped on kindling. Tim Gunn's face turned as red as Laura Bennett's hair.

    This happened on Saturday morning in a Midtown hotel during tryouts for "Project Runway," the Bravo reality series about dueling designers on which the meticulously unflappable Mr. Gunn serves as mentor, moral guide and cautionary sounding board to a cast of generally flailing contestants, like the fecund Ms. Bennett from the third season.

    Mr. Vosovic, a second-season runner-up who was helping assess the incoming class of the fourth season, teased Mr. Gunn between his candy-coated send-off of the 20th applicant, a huffy Russian named Vladimir, and his abrupt dismissal of Rebecca, a substitute teacher with unnaturally red hair who described her work as "a combination of Martha Stewart and Tim Burton."

    Rejection is an art best crafted by experience. Mr. Gunn is the Michelangelo of the form. Here, a sampling of his words to a series of washouts:

    "I don't think you have the depth of experience yet. In fact, I know it."

    "This really is not what we're looking for."

    "I appreciate what you're trying to do. Do I love it? No."

    "We're going to pass. Best wishes."

    Viewers of "Project Runway," not to mention alumni of Parsons the New School for Design, where he was long a faculty member, will have no difficulty summoning up the posh, lilting voice of Mr. Gunn, who has been parodied on late-night television for the softly scolding undertones of intellectual feyness in his delivery of the word "designers."

    Ashleigh Verrier, a 2004 Parsons graduate, said that Mr. Gunn's mannerisms are so ingrained in her mind that "I can still hear him saying, whenever I drape a piece: 'Well, can she walk in it? Can she hail a taxi?' " Former students speak of Mr. Gunn as if he were Miss Jean Brodie or Mark Thackeray in a more expensive suit.

    "I believe from a historical standpoint, Tim is going to go down as someone who brought fashion to an academic level and culturally put it on the map," Ms. Verrier said.

    As an academic whose role was intended to lend an air of dignity to a show about making stars of untested designers, Mr. Gunn, 53, was an unlikely candidate for breakout celebrity on "Project Runway." Yet he has struck a chord with young people who admire his buttoned-up demeanor and the way he treats designers: as if he were a principal. Mr. Gunn, who until last month was the chairman of the Parsons fashion department, is the foil for all their flamboyance and inexperience.

    His success has surpassed that of any of the winners of the show. Bravo has announced plans for a spinoff called "Tim Gunn's Guide to Style," which is pegged to an actual guide Mr. Gunn wrote with Kate Moloney, an assistant chairwoman of fashion design at Parsons, published by Abrams Image.

    And last month, Mr. Gunn was lured away from Parsons, where he began working as an admissions director in 1983, to become chief creative officer of Liz Claiborne Inc., one of the nation's largest apparel companies. At the executive level, Mr. Gunn will serve as a voice for the roughly 350 designers employed by Claiborne's 45 brands, a role the company has likened to a creative dean.

    And he will continue to appear on "Project Runway," which will return late this year.

    With the show's popularity, Mr. Gunn changed fashion in an abstract way, making it more appealing as a career to a generation of young people who see design as a ticket to celebrity, reflected in a flood of applications to design schools across the country.

    Talking to Larry King in August, Mr. Gunn described the show's appeal: "Fashion is so fully embedded in our culture today that there are mythologies about it. And if anything, this show demystifies much of that and really makes fashion very, very accessible to the public at large."

    Now, at Claiborne, Mr. Gunn is attempting a more concrete real-world makeover: to bring a sense of excitement about fashion to a corporate culture known for blandness and to effect a change in the perception of its brands, from outdated to fashionable.

    Can Mr. Gunn, in his words, make it work?

    IT'S a huge learning curve for me," Mr. Gunn said last week at the company's offices in the garment center, across Seventh Avenue from Parsons. "I've been living in a rarefied bubble, really, for a total of 29 years. Because we were dealing with theory, we could write our own scenarios, where nothing ever fails and nothing is ever lost in the shipping process. It's a very different universe."

    His role at Liz Claiborne is a new one for the company, part of a mandate by Bill McComb, the chief executive, to foster an image of "irresistible product," even if that requires raising some prices. The implication is that the company, which like many large, publicly traded apparel businesses, places a premium on financial performance, also recognizes the value of design.

    And Liz Claiborne is in need of a face-lift. Profits at the $5 billion company dropped considerably last year, by about 20 percent. Mr. McComb, who joined Claiborne in October, said there was a feeling internally, among designers, that the company had become too numbers-oriented. He thought that Mr. Gunn would inspire them, as he does on the show, to take creative risks.

    "If dollars and cents drive your design, you risk becoming a commodity line," Mr. McComb said. "And that's the death of a fashion business."

    Mr. Gunn, in a black pinstripe suit one day and a black turtleneck under a black leather blazer the next, may be well suited for the job. At Parsons, he revitalized a fashion curriculum that had not changed since 1952. He introduced students to critical thinking, fashion history and the realities of commercial business. He made the school's annual runway show more competitive for seniors by presenting only the best collections, which had an unexpected result of making instant stars of its top graduates: Ms. Verrier, Chris Benz and Jack McCollough and Lazaro Hernandez of Proenza Schouler.

    On the other hand, Mr. Gunn has faced criticism from some students about changes they perceive as encouraging those who fit an idealized, or commercialized, image of successful designers over independent, freewheeling thinkers.

    Moreover, "Project Runway" has drawn complaints for trivializing the profession. Stan Herman, the designer, speaking on the industry last month at a panel organized by the Fashion Institute of Technology, said, "It needs to be taken with a grain of salt because there are many kids who don't know anything else about fashion besides 'Project Runway.' "

    Mr. Herman later said that the show has had a positive effect on enrollment in design schools and credited Mr. Gunn with presenting a balanced picture of the business. But he was concerned, he said, about the show's track record of producing more celebrities than successful designers.

    "We are living in an era of instant gratification, and the show is built on that premise," he said. "The fact is that fashion is an art form or a form of commercial art that takes years and years of development. I find when they just use personalities, they miss a lot of the hard work that goes into our industry."

    Since casting began in Los Angeles last month, Mr. Gunn has been insulted by rejected applicants and questioned about the future of the show after poor turnouts there on some days. Last year he sparred in the press with Jay McCarroll, the first winner, who was irritated by Mr. Gunn's criticism of his slowness in starting a post-"Runway" career. Other contestants are quick to defend Mr. Gunn as supportive of the development of designers' careers.

    "He will be to Liz Claiborne what Anna Wintour is to Bernard Arnault," said Emmett McCarthy, a second-season contestant, referring to the advisory relationship the Vogue editor has with Mr. Arnault, the chief executive of LVMH.

    Mr. Gunn seems unfazed by his celebrity or the backbiting that ensued. People might assume that "Project Runway" had a halo effect on his personal fortunes, but he said this was not the case. "I couldn't be any more single," he said. At least he was able to afford a new rental apartment in Manhattan, in London Terrace, where he was on a waiting list for nine months.

    "For the first time in my life I have a grown-up apartment," he said. "There's a closet in the bedroom!"

    Even confidence came to him slowly, as an art student at the Corcoran College of Art and Design in Washington and later as a teacher there.

    He had been an unhappy child, introverted, a stutterer, spending sunny days in his room reading books, practicing the piano, playing with Legos, idolizing mad King Ludwig II, who spent his spare time designing castles. He was the last one chosen during mandatory team sports — a disappointment to his tight-lipped father, George William Gunn, an assistant director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, who served as the ghostwriter of J. Edgar Hoover. (His mother, Nancy, helped establish the library of the Central Intelligence Agency. His great-grandfather Harry Wardman was a builder of row houses and hotels in Washington.)

    "I was the one they called the horrible slurs that ended up being prophetic," Mr. Gunn said. "Little did I know."

    Between the ages of 12 and 20, he was enrolled in no less than a dozen schools — not for academic reasons, but because he could not handle the social interaction. In college, he discovered his passion for design. The assemblage work of the sculptor Joseph Cornell held a particular sway over Mr. Gunn, who was attracted to the neat boxes of photographs and the surprising juxtapositions.

    "I thought there must be a way of synthesizing all the different parts of my life in my own way," Mr. Gunn said. "I really think it was Cornell who caused me to have the confidence to say I'm going to be an artist."

    But his epiphany came, oddly enough, at a moment when he was faced with rejection, and what would seem in retrospect to be one of many prophetic moments. An artist looked at his student work at Corcoran and told him, "I'd rather look at the space this work displaces than look at this work." Best wishes.

    As we know, Mr. Gunn did not become a great sculptor.


     

     

    He’s Not My Grandpa. He’s My Dad.

    Josh Haner/The New York Times

    Sy Coopersmith, 75, a psychotherapist, and Andie, 16, his daughter, at home in Great Neck, N.Y.

    Sara Krulwich/The New York Times

    Tony, Heather and baby Julia Randall in 1997, when he was 78. He died in 2004.

    April 12, 2007

    He's Not My Grandpa. He's My Dad.

    LATE in 1996, while rehearsing for a production of "A Christmas Carol" in New York, Tony Randall was giddily anticipating becoming a father — at the age of 77.

    "What I look forward to," he said during a break, "is when the kid is 15 and we go out in the yard to play ball. I'll only be 90."

    But Mr. Randall never made it. He was 84 when he died in 2004, leaving behind not only a 7-year-old daughter, Julia, but also a 6-year-old son, Jefferson.

    In December 1996, inspired in part by Mr. Randall's well-publicized late fatherhood (his wife was 26 at the time), I wrote an article for The New York Times about men having children at a stage in life when their peers were usually contemplating a move to Florida or their next cardiogram. One proud papa dubbed them start-over dads, or SODs for short.

    The news of Mr. Randall's late fatherhood — and that of other celebrity SODs around the same time — evoked a fair amount of tut-tutting. Some joked that these creaky specimens wouldn't be able to head off their tykes as they marred the walls with crayon or played in traffic. Others thought SODs inherently selfish, knowing they might die before their new children were grown. "To intentionally deprive a child of a father is an awful sin," one reader wrote in reaction to my article.

    Under the circumstances, it seemed natural to check in with some of the same fathers 10 years later to see how they are faring in their eighth or even ninth decade. Mortality is the issue paramount in most of their minds, although whether it is more so compared with other men their age is difficult to say.

    A decade ago, Sy Coopersmith, a psychotherapist who lives in Great Neck, N.Y., told me that his young daughter, Andie, "wants to know if I'm going to live, and I say, 'I hope so — until you're a grown woman.' " So far, so good. Andie is 16, and Mr. Coopersmith is 75. That he could die before his daughter reaches adulthood "is a reality that I live with," he said. "When we got married, my wife had me promise that I'd give her at least 10 years."

    Mr. Coopersmith could be reasonably confident about keeping that promise: when Andie was born, he was just shy of 60. At that age, according to the National Center for Health Statistics, the average American man can expect to live 20.5 years longer.

    Many well-known figures have lately joined the SOD ranks. Among them are Rod Stewart, who had a son when he was 60; Paul McCartney (a daughter at 61); and Kenny Rogers (identical twin boys at 65). In 2004, at 63, the actor George Lazenby had a son; a twin boy and girl followed in 2005. Julio Iglesias, 63, is expecting his wife to give birth shortly.

    SODs remain a pretty consistent bunch. Generally they are affluent professionals, who can afford new children during their golden years. They usually want to oblige the maternal instincts of a younger wife, or they hope that new children will help give them new life.

    They also remain a determinedly tiny minority. Among registered United States births in 2004, in only 2,127 cases were the fathers 60 or older, according to the Center for Health Statistics. In 1994 the figure was 2,534. In each year, that was barely 0.1 percent of the total.

    "It's such a new phenomenon that there's a dearth of studies about it," said Andrew J. Cherlin, a professor of sociology at Johns Hopkins and the author of books about the American family. "We've never had men living so long and having new families. I know many men who become fathers at age 40, 45 or 50 because they met their wives in midlife and decided to have children. Graying at the temples is not new among fathers. But a head of white hair is."

    There are growing indications that SODhood may entail risks for children. In recent years studies have suggested that older fathers are more likely to have children with autism, schizophrenia, dwarfism and other serious problems.

    "There's certainly evidence of damaged sperm in older men, and for a long time there's been a tendency to blame women for these congenital defects," said Dr. Robert N. Butler, the president of the International Longevity Center.

    But David Popenoe, a director of the National Marriage Project at Rutgers University, noted a biological trade-off. "This may surprise you, but in many cases these older fathers' testosterone levels have dropped, so they tend to be more nurturing," he said. "There are some real hormonal changes here."

    Certainly many SODs grow more relaxed as they grow older.

    "I must say the feeling is good," said Saul Cohen, 69, the chairman of Maxim Securities Group in Manhattan and the father of Lily, 10. "I don't think I react like I used to. I'm not as quick off the trigger. I'm more laid-back."

    Andie Coopersmith said that her father is both mellow and involved: "He knows everything that's going on with me. But just because he's older, he's not more strict. Most kids think that he has me on a leash, but he doesn't."

    A major benefit of being a start-over dad is that the men no longer need to scramble up the professional ladder. "It's so pleasant," said Dr. J. Allan Hobson, 73, a former Harvard Medical School professor of psychiatry and the father of twin 10-year-olds, Andrew and Matthew. "My success as a scientist depended on my neglecting my first set of children. Now that I'm retired, we have a lot more time together."

    As they have matured, the children of many SODs have grown to appreciate their status. Pamela Lowe of Manhattan used to get teased because her father, Morton, was 69 when she was born.

    "I was so embarrassed when the little girls came up to me," said Pamela, who will be 18 in May. "Now I'm so proud that he's different."

    As time passes, the children of late-life fathers find themselves in an unusual position, with step-siblings who are old enough to be their parents. In extreme cases, different sets of children of the same father can find themselves competing for love and inheritances.

    "Issues of divorce still affect children in their 20s, 30s, even 40s," said Dan Hogan, the executive director of Fathers & Families, a Boston-based group that encourages men to stay involved with their families after divorce. "They often have very strong feelings, sometimes surprisingly so."

    That is true for the adult daughter of one start-over dad. She bears her father's second wife and daughter no ill will. But she prefers not to be in touch with them.

    "My father was a self-involved narcissistic guy," said the woman, who is quoted anonymously to respect her family's privacy. "I spent my life trying to get his attention. But I could only get it for a millisecond. So my relationship with his second wife was greatly complicated. I feel that my father replaced not only my mother, but me, when he married again."

    Indeed, she said that her father once told friends, "I wish you could hear from my daughter, but she hasn't been born yet."

    If emotional problems for SOD families are difficult, physical problems are inescapable. In 2001, Dr. Hobson, the retired psychiatry professor, had a stroke that left him in poor health. Moe Belin of Manhattan, the 84-year-old father of Mollie, 17, suffered a heart attack three years ago. He passed out in the bathroom and came to in the hospital.

    "The only thing I thought when I woke up was, 'Mollie, Mollie, I went and got sick on her,' " he recalled. "It bothers me that I put this little girl through all that."

    Mr. Belin recovered. He still hits the gym at 6:30 a.m. Each night, Mollie stops at his bedside to ask, "How do you feel, 1 to 10?" Usually he gives her a reassuring number, and then she goes off to sleep.

    Sometimes no amount of reassurance can help. The writer George Plimpton died at 76 in 2003, leaving behind 9-year-old twin girls. His widow, Sarah, had very much wanted them. Now she is reconsidering what being a SOD entails.

    "It's a wonderful idea that these men are having these children," Mrs. Plimpton said. "But at the first sign of trouble with the father's health, things often go rapidly downhill. It's not for the faint of heart."

    MR. Randall's widow, Heather, wonders if she did the right thing for her children by her decision. "I suppose I have some strains of guilt over that," she told the talk-show host Larry King. (Mr. King is a start-over dad himself, having had two children in his 60s.)

    Lori Cohen Ransohoff also has regrets. She was married to Dr. Joseph Ransohoff, a neurosurgeon 41 years her senior. When he died in 2001, their children — Jake, then 11, and Jade, 5 — were hit hard.

    "I don't ever really remember preparing the kids," Mrs. Ransohoff said. "He was so healthy I just took it for granted. I never thought that far ahead. Looking back, I realize that was foolish. Now I tell my daughter, 'Maybe you shouldn't marry an older man.' "

    She laughed a bit. "Here I am, giving her advice I didn't follow."

    Jade Ransohoff, now 11, doesn't know what to think. "A lot of my friends think they have the worst life when their parents are divorced," she said. "But they get to see both of them. Having your dad dead is different. You don't get to see him."

    In some sense, to be a start-over dad is to live in semi-denial, acknowledging the inevitable while not being incapacitated by it. Echoing Mr. Randall, Morton Lowe, now 87, speaks of his future with Pamela.

    "When I make the 90th, I'll be very happy," Mr. Lowe said. "If she can make it through college, and I can be there, then maybe I can walk her down the aisle."


     

    Tuesday, April 10, 2007

    Bush Seeks Overseer For Iraq, Afghanistan

    3 Generals Spurn the Position of War 'Czar'
    Bush Seeks Overseer For Iraq, Afghanistan

    By Peter Baker and Thomas E. Ricks
    Washington Post Staff Writers
    Wednesday, April 11, 2007; A01

    The White House wants to appoint a high-powered czar to oversee the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan with authority to issue directions to the Pentagon, the State Department and other agencies, but it has had trouble finding anyone able and willing to take the job, according to people close to the situation.

    At least three retired four-star generals approached by the White House in recent weeks have declined to be considered for the position, the sources said, underscoring the administration's difficulty in enlisting its top recruits to join the team after five years of warfare that have taxed the United States and its military.

    "The very fundamental issue is, they don't know where the hell they're going," said retired Marine Gen. John J. "Jack" Sheehan, a former top NATO commander who was among those rejecting the job. Sheehan said he believes that Vice President Cheney and his hawkish allies remain more powerful within the administration than pragmatists looking for a way out of Iraq. "So rather than go over there, develop an ulcer and eventually leave, I said, 'No, thanks,' " he said.

    The White House has not publicly disclosed its interest in creating the position, hoping to find someone President Bush can anoint and announce for the post all at once. Officials said they are still considering options for how to reorganize the White House's management of the two conflicts. If they cannot find a person suited for the sort of specially empowered office they envision, they said, they may have to retain the current structure.

    The administration's interest in the idea stems from long-standing concern over the coordination of civilian and military efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan by different parts of the U.S. government. The Defense and State departments have long struggled over their roles and responsibilities in Iraq, with the White House often forced to referee.

    The highest-ranking White House official responsible exclusively for the wars is deputy national security adviser Meghan O'Sullivan, who reports to national security adviser Stephen J. Hadley and does not have power to issue orders to agencies. O'Sullivan plans to step down soon, giving the White House the opportunity to rethink how it organizes the war effort.

    Unlike O'Sullivan, the new czar would report directly to Bush and to Hadley and would have the title of assistant to the president, just as Hadley and the other highest-ranking White House officials have, the sources said. The new czar would also have "tasking authority," or the power to issue directions, over other agencies, they said.

    To fill such a role, the White House is searching for someone with enough stature and confidence to deal directly with heavyweight administration figures such as Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates. Besides Sheehan, sources said, the White House or intermediaries have sounded out retired Army Gen. Jack Keane and retired Air Force Gen. Joseph W. Ralston, who also said they are not interested. Ralston declined to comment; Keane confirmed he declined the offer, adding: "It was discussed weeks ago."

    Kurt Campbell, a Clinton administration Pentagon official who heads the Center for a New American Security, said the difficulty in finding someone to take the job shows that Bush has exhausted his ability to sign up top people to help salvage a disastrous war. "Who's sitting on the bench?" he asked. "Who is there to turn to? And who would want to take the job?"

    All three generals who declined the job have been to varying degrees administration insiders. Keane, a former Army vice chief of staff, was one of the primary proponents of sending more troops to Iraq and presented Bush with his plan for a major force increase during an Oval Office meeting in December. The president adopted the concept in January, although he did not dispatch as many troops as Keane proposed.

    Ralston, a former vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was named by Rice last August to serve as her special envoy for countering the Kurdistan Workers' Party, or PKK, a group designated a terrorist organization by the United States.

    Sheehan, a 35-year Marine, served on the Defense Policy Board advising the Pentagon early in the Bush administration and at one point was reportedly considered by then-Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld to be chairman of the Joint Chiefs. He now works as an executive at Bechtel Corp. developing oil projects in the Middle East.

    In an interview yesterday, Sheehan said that Hadley contacted him and they discussed the job for two weeks but that he was dubious from the start. "I've never agreed on the basis of the war, and I'm still skeptical," Sheehan said. "Not only did we not plan properly for the war, we grossly underestimated the effect of sanctions and Saddam Hussein on the Iraqi people."

    In the course of the discussions, Sheehan said, he called around to get a better feel for the administration landscape.

    "There's the residue of the Cheney view -- 'We're going to win, al-Qaeda's there' -- that justifies anything we did," he said. "And then there's the pragmatist view -- how the hell do we get out of Dodge and survive? Unfortunately, the people with the former view are still in the positions of most influence." Sheehan said he wrote a note March 27 declining interest.

    Gordon Johndroe, a National Security Council spokesman, would not discuss contacts with candidates but confirmed that officials are considering a newly empowered czar.

    "The White House is looking at a number of options on how to structure the Iraq and Afghanistan office in light of Meghan O'Sullivan's departure and the completion of both the Iraq and Afghanistan strategic reviews," he said. He added that "No decisions have been made" and "a list of candidates has not been narrowed down."

    The idea of someone overseeing the wars has been promoted to the White House by several outside advisers. "It would be definitely a good idea," said Frederick W. Kagan, a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. "Hope they do it, and hope they do it soon. And I hope they pick the right guy. It's a real problem that we don't have a single individual back here who is really capable of coordinating the effort."

    Other variations are under consideration. House Democrats have put a provision in their version of a war spending bill that would designate a coordinator to oversee all assistance to Iraq. That person, who would report directly to the president, would require Senate confirmation; the White House said it opposes the proposal because Rice already has an aid coordinator.

    Some administration critics said the ideas miss the point. "An individual can't fix a failed policy," said Carlos Pascual, former State Department coordinator of Iraq reconstruction, who is now a vice president at the Brookings Institution. "So the key thing is to figure out where the policy is wrong."

     

    Today's Blogs

    IgnorImus
    By Christopher Beam
    Posted Tuesday, April 10, 2007, at 6:04 A.M. E.T.

    Bloggers discuss two major slap-downs: radio jock Don Imus' two-week hiatus and Titans cornerback Pacman Jones' yearlong suspension.

    IgnorImus: Radio host Don Imus was suspended Monday by MSNBC and CBS Radio amid growing anger over his description of the Rutgers women's basketball team as "nappy-headed hos." Imus has since issued two apologies and will soon meet privately with the Rutgers team. Bloggers debate the shock jock's fate.

    Joe Gandelman at The Moderate Voice predicts Imus isn't going anywhere: "Aside from his role in radio and TV, he has received good (and justifiably so) publicity for his work with sick children. His show has also been a favorite among Washington and media elites, but not usually a favorite with whoever occupied the White House."

    Conservative Tony Iovino at A Red Mind in a Blue State doesn't defend Imus but is baffled by the "blanket coverage": "It's ridiculous. We have to listen to Rev. Al (Tawana Brawley) and Jesse (Hymie Town) Jackson lecture us on racism? Please. Imus' show is a comedy show. Live. A live comedy show is always going to generate jokes, good and bad, that stretch, push and sometimes break the envelope." At Mirror on America, African-American blogger "Angry Independent" similarly criticizes the "selective amnesia" of black leaders like Sharpton: "They want to scalp this man for saying 'Nappy Headed Ho's'? … [W]ithin the so-called 'Black Community' this kind of language, often from Black rappers, is par for the course. … No one has degraded people of color (particularly Black women) more effectively than other Black folks from the Rap/R&B/Entertainment world."

    Also on Monday, Imus went on Al Sharpton's radio show, where he told the host and the chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus, "I just can't win with you people." "Come on, Imus!" writes former MSNBC employee Robert Zeliger at Suburbarazzi. "I think the real problem is not that 'those people' won't cut you some slack, but that you keep using the slack to hang yourself."

    The conservative author of Blue Star Chronicle compares Imus' comments to Rosie O'Donnell's various outbursts and cries double standard: "Why is no one demanding she be taken off the air or punished for her hate-filled rants? She insults everybody, picks fights with whoever she doesn't like, makes viscous fun of Asians and is in general disgusting. She is held up as an example of tolerance and free speech."

    At Tenured Radical, Wesleyan professor Claire B. Potter chides the media for paying attention to the comment's racism while ignoring its sexism: "Sexism is an important point of entry for critiquing athletics as an industry that promises respectability to the poor, as is race. Although high-profile male athletes are subject to similar sorts of racist depictions … only female athletes seem to be fair game for attacks on them as a sex. If they are not lesbians, they are 'ho's,' as Imus put it."

    Gawker's Alex Balk predicts that "there'll be a continued hemming and hawing over the whole thing for a few more days and then it will be forgotten, as it always is, because, you know, he may be a bigot, but an appearance on his show does help to sell your book, and, really, isn't that what matters?"

    Read more about Don Imus. Media Bistro's FishBowl NY catalogs a recent sampling of Imus "hate-talk." Hot Air has part of the Sharpton radio clip.

    Pacman sacked: The NFL has suspended Titans cornerback Adam "Pacman" Jones and the Bengals' Chris Henry for multiple violations of the league's personal conduct policy. Jones, allegedly involved in a shooting at a Las Vegas strip club, will be suspended for a year. Commissioner Roger Goodell wrote to the players: "Your conduct has brought embarrassment and ridicule upon yourself, your club, and the NFL, and has damaged the reputation of players throughout the league." Bloggers wonder what this means for Jones, the Titans, and the NFL.

    Aaron Schatz at FOX's Football Outsiders argues the Titans are nothing without Jones: "Say what you will about his personality, but Jones is an exceptionally talented football player. Very few starting cornerbacks reach this level of performance in their second year. He was only going to get better in 2007. Now he's gone, and a lot of Tennessee's playoff hopes are gone with him."

    Matt at NFL Gridiron Gab thinks the league "did the right thing here": "[U]nless you want a league of criminals running around, these are the measures that you must take in order to protect the league." Cheryl Thompson at AOL's Casually Obsessed isn't so sure: "So you make it rain a little, have a knack for being in the middle of gunfire, and may have had about 10 or so run-ins with the law, and all of a sudden you're an 'embarrassment' to the NFL. Oh, wait, those are actually some shady things. My bad."

    Dimmy Karras notes that not even Jones' recent "whitewash" interview with Deion Sanders could save him from suspension: "He admits to 'horrible decisions' but the first example he cites is letting friends drive his expensive cars — not spitting in a woman's face (was this charge dropped recently? I can't remember) or instigating a nightclub fight that left a bouncer paralyzed (probably didn't bring that one up on advice of his lawyers)."

    Will Leitch at Deadspin gets all teary: "So, Pac Man is out a year's worth of rain, and Henry will miss a game for each arrest (or close to it). We ask them both, even though they're going to miss a significant period of time, to not change, you beautiful bastards. Don't ever change."

    Read more about Jones' suspension. Or play Pac-Man instead.

    Christopher Beam is a Slate editorial assistant.

     

    Photography Collection: Corbis

    Lisa Kyle for The New York Times

    Corbis, started by Bill Gates in 1989, owns millions of images, some of them kept underground in a former limestone mine in rural Pennsylvania.

    April 10, 2007

    A Photo Trove, a Mounting Challenge

    Correction Appended

    In some sense, the iconic photograph of Rosa Parks recreating her quiet act of rebellion on a bus in Montgomery, Ala., belongs to every American. But as a practical matter, it belongs to Bill Gates.

    Anyone wanting to use that image in a book or on a Web site must first license it from Corbis, a corporation founded and owned by Mr. Gates, who is better known for starting Microsoft. The photo is among the 11 million prints and negatives in the legendary Bettmann archive, which Corbis bought in 1995.

    Since that first purchase, Corbis has spent tens of millions of dollars acquiring image collections and other companies, hired more than 1,000 people and set up two dozen offices worldwide. Although Corbis says it brings in some $250 million a year in sales, it has yet to turn a profit.

    Now the company is shuffling its top executives as it takes on new challenges, building up a business in rights management and plotting its response to the rise of low-cost online photo services that threaten to undermine its lucrative stock photo sales.

    The company plans to announce Tuesday that Gary Shenk, the president, is being made chief executive as well. Mr. Shenk, 36, is an expert in rights licensing who has risen rapidly through the Corbis ranks since he was hired in 2003 from Universal Studios, where he started a small licensing unit.

    Steve Davis, 49, the departing chief executive, will continue as a senior adviser after 10 years of running the company.

    The move into rights clearance, which involves sorting out the questions of who owns what material and how much they should be paid for its use, is a departure from the original vision for the company.

    Mr. Gates started Corbis in 1989 with the idea that people would someday decorate their homes with a revolving display of digital artwork — interspersing, say, Stanley Tretick's shot of John F. Kennedy Jr. playing under the desk in the Oval Office with photos of their own families at play.

    That is not how things have worked out. But meanwhile Corbis has built up a formidable stash of historical photos, including those in the Bettmann Archive. In 1999, Corbis acquired the licensing rights to the Sygma collection in France, and two years ago it did the same with a German stock image company called Zefa. It licenses those images for an average of about $250 apiece.

    Corbis also owns digital reproduction rights for art from the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, Russia, the Philadelphia Museum of Art and the National Gallery in London.

    In all, Corbis represents or owns the rights to more than 100 million images, including some of the most famous photographs ever — Arthur Sasse's photo of Einstein sticking his tongue out and Marilyn Monroe on the subway grate. And Corbis handles the licensing of millions of other images on behalf of thousands of photographers.

    The archival photos bring in about half of Corbis's sales, but the company also has a stable of professional photographers who generate stock photos for advertising and media clients — images of children on playgrounds, people sitting in business meetings and men in khakis swinging golf clubs.

    Over the past few years, Corbis has moved beyond newspaper and magazine clients to pursue advertising and graphic design agencies, as well as corporate marketing departments, which are turning increasingly to high-quality stock photography rather than doing their own expensive photo shoots.

    Those customers are also buying from Corbis's growing library of 30,000 short video clips — mostly generic scenes of, say, people shopping or running down the beach.

    What Corbis did not foresee was the rise of so-called microstock agencies like Fotolia and iStockPhoto. These sites take advantage of the phenomenon known as crowdsourcing, or turning to the online masses for free or low-cost submissions. Thousands of amateur and semiprofessional photographers armed with high-quality digital cameras and a copy of Photoshop contribute photographs to microstock sites, which often charge $1 to $5 an image.

    Although the microstock business still represents a small fraction of the $2 billion market for stock photos, analysts say it is possible that low micropayment prices could take business away from the higher-priced images Corbis relies on for the bulk of its revenues.

    "Think about how visual the world is," said Barbara Coffey, a senior research analyst at Kaufman Brothers in New York who follows the stock photography market. "We have pictures on our cellphones. If I can get a reasonably clear picture and the rights are cleared and I pay $2 for it, then why would I pay Corbis $200?"

    The rise of the microstock companies has been of particular concern to Corbis. For all its new lines of business, the company still gets some 88 percent of its revenues from image licenses, yet commands only about 11 percent of that market. Getty Images dominates the market with a 40 percent share.

    Getty, which has grown quickly since its start in 1995 with the backing of its wealthy co-founder, Mark Getty, has a foothold in microstock thanks to iStockPhoto, which it bought last year for $50 million.

    Mr. Shenk said Corbis would announce its plans for the microstock business sometime this quarter. As for the question of how a high-end company enters that business without cannibalizing its more expensive products, Mr. Shenk said the idea was to find a new kind of customer, people who would never envision buying pictures from a Corbis or Getty.

    In that vein, Mr. Shenk said Corbis would make its service as easy to use as the iTunes store of Apple and hinted that Corbis would also be following the crowdsourcing model.

    "More interesting and innovative things are happening on the pages of Flickr these days than on Corbis and Getty," said Mr. Shenk, referring to the photo-sharing site owned by Yahoo. "If we can use this type of opportunity to find the next great group of Corbis photographers, that also makes it a great opportunity for us."

    Corbis is also betting heavily on its Creative Resources division, which includes rights services and recorded 44 percent growth in revenue last year, to $30.1 million.

    Mr. Shenk, who will take over from Mr. Davis at the end of June, is most likely the biggest reason for that growth. When Mr. Shenk left Universal for Corbis in 2003, he took five people and an impressive Rolodex with him. Now nearly 30 Corbis employees work in rights clearance, in offices in Los Angeles, New York, Europe and Asia.

    Mr. Shenk, a Hollywood veteran who is an expert in what he calls "new ways to sell media," said he believed Corbis was offering something unique in building a worldwide network of rights experts. The business of rights clearance, he said, is often a matter of knowing whom to call, and the idea is to make Corbis the first place that comes to mind when, say, an advertising agency is trying to clear the rights to use an image, video clip, or song.

    Such was the case when the band U2 made its most recent video, for "Window in the Skies," which braided together some 100 clips of old stars like Ella Fitzgerald and Frank Sinatra, synched to the new song's music and lyrics. Corbis helped the band's production company negotiate a thicket of publicity rights.

    Roughly one-third of Corbis's 1,100 employees are in downtown Seattle, in an old bank building well suited to the company's hip self-image. The vast, open, two-story space has retained several enormous vaults that once held gold bars and now serve as photocopy and office supply rooms. Conference rooms are named after famous photographers, and copies of their work cover many of the walls.

    The Corbis photographs themselves are not stored in Seattle, except digitally on the computers there. And those digital images constitute only a small fraction of Corbis's holdings. Of the 50 million items in the Sygma collection, just 800,000 have been digitized.

    The prints and negatives from Otto L. Bettmann's archive, as well as those from a few smaller collections, are kept 220 feet underground in a former limestone mine in rural Pennsylvania. In February, Corbis announced that it would be storing the Sygma collection in a preservation facility near Paris.

    As ventures go, Corbis represents a small investment for Mr. Gates. He pays for large expenditures, and the company uses its revenues to cover smaller projects within the firm.

    Mr. Gates's involvement in the company is minimal. He spends only two to three hours each month meeting with Corbis management. Yet it is clear that he makes the big decisions. He has no interest, for example, in treating the undigitized portions of the image collections like one of his charities by, say, donating them to a public entity.

    Despite the hands-off approach, Mr. Gates is apparently never far from the minds of Corbis employees. Mr. Shenk is in the process of relocating to Seattle from Los Angeles, and his sparsely decorated office in Seattle is evidence of the commuter life he has been leading. The only work of art in evidence one recent afternoon was on Mr. Shenk's whiteboard, where a colleague had drawn the unmistakable likeness of Mr. Gates, peering out from behind his glasses.

    "Keep up the good work, Shenk," Mr. Gates says. "Or I'll kill you."

    Correction: April 11, 2007

    An article in Business Day yesterday about the photography licensing company Corbis misidentified the photographer who took a well-known photo of John F. Kennedy Jr. playing under his father's desk in the Oval Office. It was Stanley Tretick — not Cecil Stoughton, who also shot pictures in the Kennedy White House.


    Romantic Revulsion

    John Hersey

    April 10, 2007
    Findings

    Romantic Revulsion in the New Century: Flaw-O-Matic 2.0

    ABSTRACT.
    In this meta-analysis of online dating and speed dating, we propose a corollary to the Flaw-O-Matic theory of romantic revulsion. Current research reveals that the Flaw-O-Matic, a mechanism in the brain that instantly finds fault with any potential mate, can be reoriented positively in certain conditions through a newly identified process, the Sally Field Effect.

    When I first identified the Flaw-O-Matic, in a 1995 column, it seemed primarily a mechanism to kill romance. After studying picky daters — like a guy who couldn't tolerate dirty elbows, and a woman who insisted on men who were at least 5-foot-10 and played polo — I predicted that they would remain permanently single.

    Today I'm more hopeful. Thanks to a revolution in dating research over the past decade, the Flaw-O-Matic now looks like a more versatile mechanism than we theoretical pioneers imagined.

    My early work was done using personal ads, a crude tool (although state of the art in 1995). I found that people looking for love in New York magazine listed far more prerequisites (like polo skills) for a partner than did people advertising in other cities. Based on these numbers, and many dinners with friends who could never find anyone good enough, I concluded that the high percentage of single-person households in New York was due to New Yorkers' hyperactive Flaw-O-Matics.

    This new theory of a neural mechanism did not immediately gain wide acceptance in the social-science literature. By my count, it has been cited a total of one time (in a psychotherapist's treatise on the "avoidant lover"). But the study of romantic revulsion has expanded because of the rise of online dating services and speed-dating events — gold mines of data.

    Instead of asking people about their mate preferences, scientists can now watch mating rituals in real time. They've tracked who asks out whom — and who says yes — at online dating services by watching the customers' clicks and scanning their messages to look for telephone numbers and phrases like "let's meet."

    They've analyzed the courtship choices of more than 10,000 customers of a commercial speed-dating service. On campuses, they've even organized their own speed-dating events, at which you talk for several minutes apiece with perhaps a dozen people, sometimes two dozen. You discreetly mark on your scorecard which partners you'd like to see again, and the organizers match you afterward with any of them who reciprocated your interest.

    Just as Darwin could have predicted, the researchers have found that women are pickier than men. While men concentrate mainly on looks and will ask out a lot of women as long as they're above a certain threshold of attractiveness, women focus on fewer prospects.

    They're less willing to date someone of another race. When using online services, they pay more attention than men do to a potential partner's education, profession and income. They prefer taller men, but they're willing to relax their standards for the Ron Perelmans of the world, as revealed in a study of more than 20,000 online daters by Gunter Hitsch and Ali Hortacsu of the University of Chicago and Dan Ariely of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

    They found that a 5-foot-8 man was just as successful in getting dates as a 6-footer if he made more money — precisely $146,000 a year more. For a 5-foot-2 man, the number was $277,000. [For more of these trade-offs, see nytimes.com/tierneylab.]

    Online dating reveals the most exquisite calibrations of the Flaw-O-Matic because the daters fill out questionnaires listing more attributes than could ever fit in a personal ad. They can spend all day finding minute faults in hundreds of potential partners. But that's also why so many people never make a lasting match.

    "When you have all these criteria to consider, and so many people to choose from, you start striving for perfection," Dr. Ariely says. "You don't want to settle for someone who's not ideal in height, age, religion and 45 other dimensions."

    It's the same problem afflicting New Yorkers: with so many prospects in the big city, they refuse to stop searching.

    Customers of online dating services typically end up going out with fewer than 1 percent of the people whose profiles they study online. But something very different happens at a speed-dating event. The average participant makes a match with at least 1 in 10 of the people they meet; some studies have found the average is 2 or 3 out of 10. Women are still pickier than men, and in some speed-dating experiments they still prefer affluent, well-educated men, but the preference is less strong — and in some other studies they don't discriminate at all by income or social status.

    What happens to speed daters' Flaw-O-Matics? The people at these events realize that there aren't an infinite number of possibilities. If they want to get anything out of the evening, they have to settle for less than perfection. They also can't help noticing that they have competition, and that their ideal partner just might prefer someone else.

    But these speed daters don't simply shut down their Flaw-O-Matics. They still have their standards, as demonstrated in speed-dating sessions organized by Paul Eastwick and Eli Finkel at Northwestern University. The researchers, working with Daniel Mochon and Dr. Ariely of M.I.T., analyzed the preferences of more than 150 students at the sessions.

    The students were particularly turned off by prospects who exhibited what the researchers call "unselective romantic desire." Another way to put it would be "desperate." The speed daters were very good at guessing which of their partners were indiscriminately friendly — willing to go out with lots of the other people — and which dates had eyes only for them. They much preferred the ones with "selective desire."

    Being able to make this distinction in a four-minute speed date, the researchers write in the April issue of Psychological Science, "suggests that humans possess an impressive, highly attuned ability to assess such subtleties of romantic attraction. In fact, the need to feel special or unique could be a broad motivation that stretches across people's social lives."

    The scientists don't propose a name for this phenomenon; nor, as usual, do they deign to mention the Flaw-O-Matic when discussing this "impressive, highly attuned ability" to make snap romantic judgments. But to me this clearly looks like a redirection of the Flaw-O-Matic's power, because of what I call the Sally Field Effect.

    These speed daters were looking for someone who shared their distaste for the others in the room: someone who was just as picky as they were. When they found that person, and neither one of them sneered or bolted, that hectoring little voice in the brain was suddenly transformed into a purring engine of love. They gazed dreamily into each other's eyes, channeled a certain actress on Oscar night, and thought: "Your Flaw-O-Matic likes me! It really likes me!"

    That may not be enough to sustain the relationship through the trials of dirty elbows and long, polo-less weekends. But it's a start.


     

    DNA Tests Hope or Despair

    Michael Nagle for The New York Times

    Sandra and Balfour Francis of Brooklyn, with a photograph of Nickiesha, who is in Jamaica. Last year, DNA tests showed she is not his daughter.

    . C. Worley for The New York Times

    Letters from boys in Ghana whom Isaac Owusu considers his. He will petition as a stepfather since tests showed three are not related to him

    April 10, 2007

    DNA Tests Offer Immigrants Hope or Despair

    MINNEAPOLIS — For 14 years, Isaac Owusu's faraway boys have tugged at his heart. They sent report cards from his hometown in Ghana and painstaking letters in fledgling English while he scrimped and saved to bring them here one day.

    So when he became an American citizen and officials suggested taking a DNA test to prove his relationship to his four sons, he embraced the notion. Imagine, he marveled as a lab technician rubbed the inside of his cheek, a tiny swab of cotton would reunite his family.

    But modern-day science often unearths secrets long buried. When the DNA results landed on Isaac Owusu's dinner table here last year, they showed that only one of the four boys — the oldest — was his biological child.

    Federal officials are increasingly turning to genetic testing to verify the biological bonds between new citizens and the overseas relatives they hope to bring here, particularly those from war-torn or developing countries where identity documents can be scarce or doctored.

    But while the tests often lead to joyful reunions among immigrant families, they are forcing others to confront unexpected and sometimes unbearable truths.

    For Isaac Owusu, a widower, the revelation has forced him to rethink nearly everything he had taken for granted about his life and his family.

    It has left him struggling to accept what was once unthinkable: that his deceased wife had long been unfaithful; that the children he loves are not his own; and that his long efforts to reunite his family in this country may have been in vain.

    The State Department let his oldest son, now 23, come to the United States last fall, but said the others — a 19-year-old and 17-year-old twins — could not come because they are not biologically related to him.

    Isaac Owusu, who asked that only his first and middle names be published because he would like to keep his family's pain private, is still hoping the government will allow the teenagers to join him, arguing that he has been a devoted stepfather, if not a biological parent.

    But in recent months, he says, he has simply unraveled.

    "Sometime when I get in bed, I don't sleep," said Isaac Owusu, 51, who works for an electrical equipment distributor and an auto supply shop.

    "I say to myself, 'Why this one happen to me?' " he asked, his eyes wet with tears. "Oh, mighty God, why this one happen to me?"

    A similar sense of shock is reverberating through other families across the country as genetic testing becomes more common. State Department and Homeland Security Department officials do not keep statistics on the number of DNA tests taken by new citizens or permanent residents, who are allowed to bring some close relatives to the United States if they can document their family ties.

    But Mary K. Mount, a DNA testing expert for the A.A.B.B. — formerly known as the American Association of Blood Banks — estimates that about 75,000 of the 390,000 DNA cases that involved families in 2004 were immigration cases. Of those, she estimates, 15 percent to 20 percent do not produce a match.

    Negative results can suggest an effort to bring in illegal immigrants or distant relatives, officials say, though they note that requests for DNA tests deter illicit activities. An official, who spoke anonymously because he was not authorized to discuss the cases, found no indication of wrongdoing by the families interviewed for this article.

    Such genuinely unexpected results hit immigrant families particularly hard because DNA testing sometimes provides the best chance of reuniting with loved ones abroad.

    "Sometimes these are complicated families," said Tony Edson, a deputy assistant secretary of state. "People are learning things that they never knew about themselves."

    In California, for example, a Mexican-American family splintered after a DNA test showed that a young woman, a new citizen, was not related to the man she considered her father. The man, who was living in the United States, was ordered back to Mexico because his visitor's visa had expired.

    In Maryland, a man from Sierra Leone discovered that his baby back home was the product of a hidden trauma. His wife, who was separated from him during their country's civil war, had been raped by rebels. In her shame, she had never revealed the truth.

    New citizens and permanent residents are asked — not required — to take the tests if they lack documentation of ties to relatives overseas. Physicians designated by the State Department typically collect samples from relatives abroad and send them to this country for testing.

    A negative result does not eliminate the possibility of reunification. New citizens can adopt children under 16 and bring them to the United States, officials say. They can also petition for stepchildren or stepparents in certain circumstances.

    But immigrants say officials rarely notify them of such alternatives. Meanwhile, lawyers say the government's growing reliance on DNA testing burdens immigrants who often pay $450 or more to test parent and child.

    Officials counter that the process helps reunify families who might otherwise remain divided because they lack adequate documents. But they acknowledge that genetic testing can carry an emotional toll.

    Tamara Gonzalez, a new citizen from Jamaica, said her test result has forced her to question her very identity.

    She and her father, who lives in Jamaica, took the tests last year after she applied to bring him to the United States. When she learned they were not related, she confronted her mother, who said the result must be a mistake.

    Mrs. Gonzalez, who works at a day care center in Brooklyn, said she would like to believe her mother. But she said her faith in her family bonds had been shaken. "It changes my sense of who I am," said Mrs. Gonzalez, who is 31. "And it has changed things between me and my mother."

    "I wonder now if there's something she's hiding or not saying," she said. "I start to wonder: Who is my father? Am I ever going to know?"

    Clevy Muir, the man she knows as her father, says he is still trying to sort out their options.

    "I'm not going to give up my daughter, you understand?" he said. "But where can I turn?"

    Balfour Francis, a 44-year-old Jamaican-born welder in Brooklyn, had even set aside a bedroom for the teenager he considers his daughter. She was born to a woman he had never married, but he had never doubted that she was his baby girl.

    Then came last year's DNA results. Now, he said, the bedroom is used for storage while he struggles to get immigration officials to tell him what he can do next.

    "I will not let anybody dictate who is my child," said Mr. Francis, who is a permanent resident and has a wife and children in New York. "I try to assure her I am who I will always be."

    Meanwhile, Isaac Owusu cannot keep the faces of his boys in Ghana out of his mind.

    They call him collect on weekends, begging him to explain why he left them behind. At night, he sees them in his dreams with those big brown eyes that everyone used to say resembled his own.

    "They ask me, 'Why? Why? Why?' " he said. " 'You come and pick up our senior brother. What about us?' "

    He blames the bureaucracy for the delay because he cannot bear to tell the truth. They are already motherless, he said. How can he tell them they are fatherless now, too?

    Over the years, while his sister cared for the boys, he has sent money for tuition and uniforms, doctors and food. He has saved their letters. ("Father, in Ghana we are in the rainy season so I need two thing," one son wrote, "rain coat and rain boot.") He has pored over their report cards ("Obedient and respectful," one teacher wrote), urging them to study harder so they could succeed here.

    He moved, with a new wife, from an apartment to a house to make room for them all, and became a citizen in 2002. But last year's DNA tests dashed his hopes for a speedy reunion.

    After months of inquiries, Elizabeth M. Streefland, his immigration lawyer, finally determined that he could petition for the teenagers as their stepfather. He must prove that the boys are the children of his deceased wife. Isaac Owusu hopes that a DNA test of one of his wife's siblings, which could be compared with that of the teenagers, would provide that proof.

    That will cost more money. But he says he simply cannot give up on his boys. "I tell them, 'Daddy still loves you,' " he said. " 'Anything it takes, I will do to get you over here.' "


    Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company

     

  • Corbis Archives,War Czar, Philadelphia Homicides,Today's Blogs, Today's Papers

    Today's Papers, Today's Blogs, Zeitgeist

    Zeitgeist Checklist: Scraggly-Haired White Boy
    What Washington is talking about this week.
    By Christopher Beam
    Posted Friday, April 13, 2007, at 4:43A.M. E.T.

    Don't Hate the Players
    Media. Scraggly-haired white-boy radio host Don Imus is fired amid outrage that he referred to the Rutgers women's basketball team as "nappy-headed hos." Imus apologizes profusely, making sure to mention that some of his best friends are nappy-headed hos. Defenders point out that Imus' remarks are nothing compared with what many gangsta rappers say all the time. But even Snoop Dogg calls for his ouster, pointing out the difference between Imus insulting college students and his own references to "hos that's in the 'hood that ain't doing shit, that's trying to get a nigga for his money. These are two separate things." In other media news, the Onion comes to D.C.; Zeitgeist surrenders.

    Who's Your Biological Daddy?
    Celebrities. After two months of popcorn-munching drama, a DNA test concludes that Anna Nicole Smith's baby-daddy is floppy-haired photojournalist Larry Birkhead. "I told you so," Birkhead tells reporters, implying that this could have been over a lot sooner if everyone had just listened. The baby wonders if they can run the test once more just to be sure. Towheaded former Playboy model Willa Ford will play Smith in the forthcoming biopic Anna Nicole—perhaps the most physically schizophrenic role since Robert DeNiro's turn in Raging Bull.

    Now They Can Throw a Real Party
    Crime. The North Carolina attorney general drops all charges against three former Duke lacrosse players accused of gang-raping a stripper. They may now return to their normal lives, if you can call crippling notoriety and lifetime Googlability normal. But as this case closes, another opens: Silver-maned District Attorney Mike Nifong, condemned by the AG as a "rogue" prosecutor, is already the subject of a bar-association investigation and may also face charges for withholding exculpatory evidence. If convicted, he could be sentenced to mauling by Duke fans.

    Pac It Up
    Sports. The NFL suspends dreadlocked Titans cornerback Adam "Pacman" Jones and Bengals wide receiver Chris Henry for their off-field conduct. Jones, who faces charges related to a shooting in a Vegas strip club, insists he's simply taking a break to spend some quality time with his lawyer. Redheaded NFL commissioner Roger Goodell chides them for "damaging the reputation of players throughout the league" and tarnishing the otherwise wholesome reputation of the NFL.

    Take Off Your Helmet and Stay a While
    Iraq. The Defense Department announces a surprise minisurge: Active-duty soldiers will have their tours extended from a year to 15 months. Elsewhere, a suicide bomb rips through the cafeteria of Iraq's parliament building, killing eight and wounding many more. It's the worst attack yet on the Green Zone, but balding Sen. John McCain says it is not part of the "larger picture." Muqtada Sadr, meanwhile, encourages Shiite militias and Iraqi security forces to stop fighting one another—a touching call for solidarity amid so much sectarianism. Now they can focus on blowing up Americans.

    Banker? I Barely Know Her!
    Business. Greasy-haired World Bank chief Paul Wolfowitz apologizes for giving plum jobs to a bank employee who happens to be his romantic partner. Since taking over in 2005, Wolfowitz has made fighting corruption a major plank of his tenure, possibly as a distraction technique. The bank's board promises to act quickly in deciding Wolfowitz's fate.

    War "Czar" Least Popular Job Since Human Shield
    White House. Three generals turn down the job of war "czar"—a new post that, if created, would oversee military and civilian affairs in Afghanistan and Iraq. The lack of interest indicates a strong reluctance to get mixed up in a troubled war effort. Perhaps the administration would have better luck if it called the position, say, Imperial Chieftain, or Grand Vizier of Sand and Sea.

    Computer Failure Probably Just Actual Failure
    Law. The war over the fired U.S. attorneys gets hotter than Johnny Cash's house: Embattled Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, suspended in his sensory deprivation chamber in preparation for next week's hearings, gets served with a subpoena requesting another batch of classified documents. The White House also announces that e-mails dealing with the firings of U.S. attorneys, including many from Karl Rove, have been "lost." Dome-tastic Sen. Patrick Leahy compares the mix-up to the Nixon tapes' missing 18 minutes. Seems more like the digital equivalent of "My dog ate my homework." You know it's bad when even Newt Gingrich thinks you should resign.

    So It Goes
    Death. Curly-haired Slaughterhouse-Five author Kurt Vonnegut dies at 84—a fact he would probably find hilarious, or depressing, or both. Vonnegut's formative experience as a writer was the 1945 bombing of Dresden, which he called "a work of art." Legions of MFA students pour out Pabst Blue Ribbons in his memory.

    Eloquence, Experience, Lymphoma
    2008. Potential Republican candidate Fred Thompson reveals he has cancer—a seeming prerequisite for public life these days. Buzz also builds around Newt Gingrich, who defies all expectations at a debate with swoosh-haired Sen. John Kerry and advocates corporate tax incentives to combat global warming. Audience members half-expect "Gingrich" to tear off his mask and reveal himself as Al Gore. Meanwhile, as Sen. John McCain reasserts his commitment to this "necessary and just" war in Iraq, Sen. Barack Obama calls for a "surge in honesty." Obama 2008: Where the "O" is for "Oh, snap."

    Christopher Beam is a Slate editorial assistant.

    Today's Blogs

    And Quiet Flows the Don
    By Michael Weiss
    Posted Friday, April 13, 2007, at 1:44 P.M. E.T.

    And quiet flows the Don: After a weeklong media blitz and a spate of complaints from figures like Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson, CBS fired Don Imus from his radio show on Thursday for his reference to Rutgers women's basketball players as "nappy-headed hos." No one online seems to have had much affection for the shock jock, yet chatter focuses on how shambolic it was to have "race-baiters" and "hypocrites" inter a man who said nothing worse than what one might find in hip-hop lyrics.

    Media critic Jeff Jarvis at BuzzMachine thinks the standards for a "macaca moment" ought to be re-evaluated in the age of cable news and YouTube. Nevertheless, he writes: "I would have fired Don Imus years ago. Because he's boring. And if he should have been fired as a racist, that, also, should have occurred years ago. Howard Stern has been exposing his racism for more than a decade (odd, by the way, that few if any news reports went to Stern for this perspective). I'm no fan of Imus. I panned him in TV Guide years ago. I won't miss him now that he's gone. I think what he said was as stupid as it was offensive — that is, colossally on both counts."

    At the New Criterion's Armavirumque, conservative editor Roger Kimball says he never took to Imus but sympathizes with the auto-da-fé officiated by hypocrites: "I don't have much time for vulgarians like Don Imus. But I am ready to give him if not three then at least two cheers. His brand of irreverence is not everyone's cup of tea. But the idea that he should be pilloried and hounded out of his job because Sharpton and Jackson managed to whip up a frenzied, racially-inspired campaign against him is nothing less than disgusting."

    Oregonian Rob Kremer thinks the timing is all wrong: "[I]t is really interesting that this story broke concurrently with the Duke lacrosse players getting their charges dropped. Weren't Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson fanning those flames as well? Have they apologized to the lacrosse players? I mean, who was harmed more, the Rutgers basketball team or the Duke lacrosse players? It's not even close."

    Largely, though, bloggers focus on the apparent double standard that allows rappers to get away with the same language that got Imus canned. Richard at Politics Plus Stuff argues that it's a "red herring that Rap artists us the same terms all the time without penalty. … Sure it is disgusting when Rap artists 'use those words,' but they are using them generally. They are not actually calling real live very talented people those names in front of everyone. Which is not to defend the Rap artists' use of the terms. They also deserve to be taken down for such incivilities. But they don't walk right up to a woman and call her a 'ho' to her face on national radio and TV just to entertain an audience!"

    Few share that sentiment. Writes Travis at the incongruent-affect: "Don Imus is an idiot. There's no doubt about it. … But the utter hypocrisy of individuals like Snoop Dogg who cry foul at individuals who use this sort of language and then sell records that freely use those terms is staggering."

    And righty Michelle Malkin, who devoted her latest column to the pervasive misogyny in rap, compiles a selection of the latest chart-topping lyrics and adds: "Al Sharpton, I am sure, is ready to call a press conference with the National Organization for Women to jointly protest this garbage and protest the radio stations and big pimpin' music companies behind it. Or perhaps the New Civility Squad is not convinced yet that the Billboard chart toppers I've highlighted are representative?"

    At My Errant Mind, Sean Wilson, a former U.S. Army infantryman, has no love for Imus either, but points out a different hypocrisy: "I hear young women calling each other bitches and such cute variants as 'biatch' or 'beotch' all the time. They proclaim it proudly on their MySpace profiles, on their t-shirts, and call each other by those words when talking on their cell phones. I am assuming these young women who were the target of the comments by Imus never use ho or bitch or any other such language? Not ever? And they get offended when they hear it in movies, right? And they would speak out if someone else had been targeted? Forgive me if am skeptical."

    Conservative black blogger LaShawn Barber decries the double standard and comes down hard on the black community: "If black Americans in 2007 are this delicate and overreact to the slightest insults with this much unrighteous indignation, it's pretty safe to say black people are not made the way they used to be, of stronger stuff, able to withstand truly demeaning and criminal treatment at the hands of true oppressors. It's sad to know that the children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren of people who faced actual oppression are so much weaker, much less discerning, and much more undignified."

    New York magazine's The Daily Intelligencer has a handy roundup of bigoted slurs uttered by public figures.

    Read more about the end of Imus. In Slate, Stephen Metcalf explains why he listened to Imus, and Timothy Noah chronicles Imus' other offensive remarks.

    Michael Weiss, a writer in New York, is co-founder and managing editor of Snarksmith.com.

    Today's Papers

    Nuclear Reactors
    By Jesse Stanchak
    Posted Sunday, April 15, 2007, at 6:39 A.M. E.T.

    The New York Times leads with how Iran's nuclear ambition is prompting nations across the region to look into developing their own nuclear technology. The Washington Post leads with an update of yesterday's top story: The U.S. military now confirms that Marines fired on civilians during an incident in Afghanistan last month, killing or injuring more than 40 people. The Los Angeles Times goes with reports that Iraqi Sunnis have set up a parallel intelligence agency within the Iraqi government to counter the predominately Shiite official agency, which is entirely funded by the CIA.

    The NYT paints the nuclear ambitions of virtually every Middle Eastern nation as the byproduct of fears that a nuclear Iran would dominate the region. All the nations concerned say they only want nuclear technology for generating electricity (despite the region's vast oil reserves), and the paper treats this claim with healthy skepticism, assuming that at least some of the states in question would want to pursue nuclear weapons. The article's most startling cl.. Most Arab nations would prefer a U.S. military strike on Iran's nuclear facilities to Iran having nuclear weapons. In a related story, the NYT says North Korea failed to meet deadlines for shutting down its nuclear facilities, leaving the U.S. with relatively few options for bringing the nation in line with the commitments it made in February.

    The hook of the WP's Afghanistan story is that the U.S. Army is, to an extent, confirming what Afghanistan's human rights council had concluded: that American troops acted excessively in responding to a suicide bomber. The NYT runs a more narrative version of the story, which may be a better read but doesn't tell the reader anything that the WP didn't report yesterday.

    The LAT's piece on parallel Iraqi intelligence agencies focuses as much on political maneuvering as it does on ideology, since this shadow intelligence bureau was born as much out of personal rivalries as political realities. Sadly the tale of spy versus spy doesn't have a clear hero, as both organizations appear culpable of a range of illegal activities.

    The WP off-leads with reports of lending companies' improper use of government-held student loan data, prompting the Department of Education to mull shutting down the government database until better controls can be implemented. The database, which contains vast stores of personal information from 60 million borrowers, may have been used to fuel direct mailing campaigns and other marketing efforts. The information is meant to be used by schools and lenders to issue loans and collect repayments. The paper says that Education officials were aware that data mining went on, but recent inquiries showed it spiraling out of control. What's troubling is the underlying assumption that a certain amount of data mining is tolerable, even inevitable—an idea the story never really gets around to questioning. The NYT runs a related story above the fold, reporting that private lenders have steadily boxed direct federal student loans out of the market place by offering schools sweetheart deals.

    In a sort of reverse "Nixon's secret plan to end the war" scenario, Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., tells the NYT point blank that he has no "Plan B" for Iraq, should President Bush's "surge" strategy fail. McCain tells the paper that if it became clear the surge was not working, then he would try to think of another idea, but at present "I cannot give you a good alternative because if I had a good alternative, maybe we could consider it now."

    Much has been made of Illinois Democrat Sen. Barack Obama's success at raising funds from small first-time donors. But according to the WP, Obama has been no slouch in courting the big money, either, even after swearing off money from federal lobbyists, a pledge he's kept so far, if only in the most technical sense.

    The WP tries to reconstruct a day of violence possibly perpetrated by private security guards in Iraq, in order to examine the loose legal strictures such hired guns are under.

    The conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan may be taking on a new shape, says the NYT, as Arab and non-Arab tribes, often portrayed as nemeses, may be allying to either fight the Sudanese government or negotiate some kind of settlement.

    One of the major downsides of campaign fund-raising growing so quickly is that candidates can't always question who their supporters are, says the LAT as it profiles a Pakistani man who had done fund-raising for Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, D-N.Y., and a host of other Democrats, only to wind up on the run from the FBI.

    The WP airs criticisms of million-selling author and educational consultant Ruby Payne's controversial views on how schools can best educate low-income students. The stir is over Payne's often sweeping characterizations of children from a certain economic strata: for example, the idea that they're more motivated by a need to please their teacher than by a desire to achieve high grades. Critics say Payne's ideas paint the poor as a single, homogenous group, and argue that many of her assertions are unverifiable.

    The WP's Opinion page gives Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales a chance to address criticisms stemming from the firing of U.S. attorneys last year. Gonzales repeatedly writes that he made no "improper" decisions during a review of all 93 U.S. attorneys, a process that eventually led to eight of them being replaced. Buried deep in the rhetoric lies an announcement: Gonzales writes that the Justice Department's Office of Professional Responsibility will review the firings.

    The LAT reports Chicago will be the U.S. bid city for the 2016 Olympics, derailing Los Angeles' hopes of hosting the games for a third time. Chicago now has to face down international competition from cities like Tokyo and Madrid.

    For Starters, the Movie Sucked . . .

    The LAT runs a series of investigative pieces on how and why the 2005 film Sahara bombed—the film is currently $105 million dollars in the hole, despite having so many promising elements: best-selling source material, a well respected crew, and bankable stars.

    Jesse Stanchak is an assistant documents editor at Congressional Quarterly. He covers elections in Oregon and Idaho for CQpolitics.com.

     
    Nascar Faces a Less Certain Future

    Steve Helber/Associated Press

    Revenue for International Speedway Corporation fell 19 percent because of lower attendance and concessions sales

    April 15, 2007

    As Growth Hits a Wall, Nascar Faces a Less Certain Future

    On the cusp of the 2007 season, Brian France, chairman and chief executive of Nascar, stood before reporters at Daytona International Speedway and declared that the sport was continuing its remarkable rise.

    France, the 44-year-old grandson of Bill France Sr., who founded Nascar 59 years ago, said on that February day that he expected television ratings to increase after a drop-off last year in more than 80 percent of the races featuring top drivers. He predicted that Nascar would rediscover the momentum that had transformed stock-car racing from a niche market in the Southeast to one of the most-watched sports in the United States.

    But six races into the current season, Nascar is at a crossroads, suffering from an identity crisis at the same time that television viewership has not recovered. Ratings are down about 14 percent compared with last season, said officials from International Speedway Corporation, which owns 12 of the 22 tracks where Nascar runs top races.

    The company announced last week that first-quarter revenue was down 19 percent because of lower attendance and concessions sales. In the past four months, International Speedway withdrew proposals for racetracks in Staten Island and in Washington State because of political opposition. John Saunders, the chief operating officer of International Speedway, in which the France family holds 63 percent of the voting stock, acknowledged that Nascar's growth had leveled off.

    "All sports have growth spurts and reach plateaus at various times," he said last Tuesday in a conference call. "Nascar is not unique. What is unique is that this is Nascar's first time."

    H. A. Wheeler, longtime race promoter and president of Lowe's Motor Speedway in North Carolina, said that Nascar is in transition as it struggles to straddle two worlds.

    "Are we moonshiners, country music, banjos and Route 66?" said Wheeler, who is known as Humpy. "Or are we merlot and Rodeo Drive? We just have to settle down and say: 'Is this what we want? Exactly who are we?' "

    The task of defining the business falls to the France family, which has had a tight grip on Nascar for three generations.

    While hundreds of people work for them, the Frances — who declined interview requests for this article — are responsible for Nascar and its direction. They own Nascar, control most of the racetracks and collect the profits. They make the crucial decisions, choosing to relocate established races to nontraditional markets like Los Angeles and introducing a radical new Car of Tomorrow, designed to increase safety, decrease costs and improve competition.

    Bill France Sr., a tough, tall moose of a man, founded Nascar in 1948. His son Bill Jr. ran it like a dictatorship for 31 years before handing it to his son, Brian, in 2003. Bill Jr.'s daughter, Lesa France Kennedy, became president of International Speedway.

    Jim France, Bill Jr.'s brother, is vice chairman of Nascar and chief executive of International Speedway. The family has been tremendously successful. Forbes estimated that Jim and Bill France Jr. are each worth $1.5 billion, gained primarily from Nascar.

    The Frances remain one of the most powerful families in professional sports. Unlike in baseball, whose unions and owners often check the power of the commissioner, the family does what it wants because Nascar drivers are independent contractors. The Frances' word is rarely challenged, say drivers, teams and other prominent figures in auto racing. Both times drivers tried to form a union, in the 1960s and '70s, their efforts were quashed by the Frances.

    "Sometimes we overlook what could be considered a monopoly," said Kyle Petty, a third-generation Nascar driver. "We overlook what could be considered price-fixing with the purses and stuff like that. We overlook it because, in the end, we make a good living and they make a good living."

    Even Jack Roush, a feisty, often cantankerous owner of five top Nascar cars, knows he must bow to the Frances. "If you want to be a part of their circus," Roush said, "you have to play by their rules."

    That means, though, that the Frances receive the credit when Nascar succeeds, as it has at a rapid pace in the past decade, and that they will be blamed if it sputters.

    Unforeseen Speed Bumps

    Although television ratings could have declined for many reasons, including an increase in channels and viewers' choices, the Frances hit speed bumps while trying to expand, with Kennedy, 45, leading the effort. A racetrack proposal for the Denver area is encountering early opposition, and plans for New York and Washington are dead, for now. "Their missteps were early and often," said Councilman James S. Oddo, a Staten Island Republican. He added that International Speedway's first mistake might have been buying the land before gauging the probability of a racetrack's approval.

    At the first meeting with Staten Island officials, Oddo said, International Speedway's slide show presented only two alternatives for about 450 acres of unused industrial land. "It was like they were saying, If we don't get a shiny brand-new stadium, then you get diesel fuel-belching tractor trailers that will clog your roads," Oddo said. "If they intended to intimidate us, it backfired."

    New investors are still attracted to Nascar. John Henry, principal owner of the Boston Red Sox, teamed with Roush this season.

    In an e-mail message, Henry said he had researched Nascar for three years before deciding to take a calculated risk to join the sport. He said too much emphasis was put on "year over year" television ratings, for Nascar and other sports.

    "The ratings generated by Nascar are terrific in relation to other sports," Henry wrote. "It is a very, very strong sport that is very well run and well positioned for the future."

    Nascar's television viewership is second best nationally to that of the National Football League. An army of about 100 Fortune 500 companies is involved in Nascar, but its corporate sponsorship revenue is growing at a slower rate than in the past, according to an April report by the brokerage firm A. G. Edwards.

    It is too early to gauge the success of Nascar's recent bold moves. The Frances began a playoff system in 2004, and have since fine-tuned it. They allowed the first foreign carmaker, Toyota of Japan, to compete in the top-tier Nextel Cup series this year.

    They are also trying to court a new base of fans with international personalities and races. Juan Pablo Montoya, a former Formula One driver from Colombia, made his Nextel Cup debut this season. The second-tier Busch series has scheduled races in Mexico City and Montreal.

    No recent move by the Frances has been more significant than the introduction of the standardized Car of Tomorrow, which is supposed to enliven races by making it easier to pass. It made its debut last month at Bristol Motor Speedway in Tennessee, receiving criticism from drivers. Wheeler, of Lowe's Motor Speedway, said the Car of Tomorrow would produce close racing, which would produce rivalries and drama that could bring the fans back. "With this car, I can see that sparks will fly once again," he said.

    Bill France Jr., 74, loves that kind of racing. He is obsessed with parity among Nascar's teams and keeping the competition close, said Lee White, senior vice president and general manager of Toyota Racing Development. France feared that Toyota would dominate Nascar, White said. But when France granted permission, saying Toyota could win its fair share but only by an inch, White said, "It was like receiving the blessing from the pope."

    Although he used to attend nearly all the races, France has faded from the forefront. He remains vice chairman of Nascar and chairman of International Speedway but is frail and ailing after a cancer diagnosis in 1999.

    "The Frances aren't at the racetrack like they used to be because they have other people handling the competition side," the longtime driver Ken Schrader said. "Now Brian is looking for new sponsors for the series or finding bigger places to race. He has a bigger job."

    The migration to bigger markets took Nascar east of Los Angeles, to California Speedway in Fontana, where its top division made its debut in 1997. That track gained a second race in 2003, at the expense of a Labor Day mainstay at Darlington Raceway in South Carolina, where the Southern 500 had been run since 1950.

    Empty Seats

    California Speedway does not sell out for either Nextel Cup race. Attendance figures are not released, but there have been patches of empty seats as Nascar struggles to win over Southern California, including the Latino market.

    Perhaps even more important to the state of Nascar, though, is that an examination of television ratings in specific markets suggests it may not be gaining as many fans in new and bigger areas as it has lost from its Southeast base. In fact, Nascar may be losing fans in both places.

    From 2004 through last season, ratings for races broadcast on Fox in the top five markets dropped in all but New York, where the ratings were stagnant. In Los Angeles, they fell by 22.2 percent, in Chicago by 12.5 percent and in Philadelphia by nearly 28 percent. At the same time, Fox ratings in some traditionally strong markets also fell. Atlanta was down by 18.2 percent; Greensboro, N.C., by 8 percent; and Greenville, S.C., 1.5 percent.

    The ratings for broadcasts of the Daytona 500 since 2004 have fallen as well, about 40 percent in Los Angeles, 28 percent in Chicago and about 11 percent in the New York, according to Nielsen Media Research.

    "I know that some core fans have had some displeasure with the rules and regulations, the Car of Tomorrow, and some new fans might not like those things either," said Robin Pemberton, Nascar's competition director. "When you're in the middle of something so successful, and the expectations are up, it's hard to meet everybody's expectations.

    "You just take the criticisms, move on and hope the fans understand that things can't stay the same forever."

    Perhaps nothing has changed more than the television contracts, and the money at stake. Nascar is in the first year of an eight-year contract with Fox, ABC/ESPN, TNT and Speed valued at about $4.5 billion, or $560 million a year. Its previous contract was worth $400 million a year.

    Kyle Petty cited NBC's decision not to renew its television contract with Nascar as a warning flag. "That's a big, big story that someone walked away," he said. "That's a huge blip on the radar."

    NBC, which incurred losses on Nascar, had exclusive rights to renegotiate a new contract but decided to spend $600 million a year on the N.F.L. From 2001 to 2006, ratings for races broadcast on NBC fell by 38 percent in the Los Angeles area.

    For now, though, Petty said, the ratings and even the lower attendance have not caused a crisis because the race itself has become secondary to the marketing opportunities surrounding it.

    "It's not about the tickets or the TV ratings," Petty said. "It's all about how many Cokes we could sell in that market."


     
    Epidemic of Gun Violence in Philadelphia

    April 15, 2007

    Philadelphia Struggles to Quell an Epidemic of Gun Violence

    PHILADELPHIA, April 14 — In a hospital emergency room, a young man winces as doctors try to determine how badly he has been injured.

    His name is Karim Williams, he is 27, and he is this city's latest shooting victim. He says he was hit around 12:30 a.m. by a shot fired while he was walking from his girlfriend's car into a bar.

    Mr. Williams was fortunate. The bullet went through his leg without hitting bone or major blood vessels, and after a shot of morphine and a few hours' observation, he will be discharged from the Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania back into the West Philadelphia night.

    In some ways, Mr. Williams is a typical patient at the trauma unit: young, mildly intoxicated and apparently with no idea why he was shot. What makes his case less common, doctors here say, is that he is neither seriously injured nor dead, since Philadelphia is in the midst of an epidemic of gun violence that has left the police struggling to preserve public safety and government officials renewing efforts to tighten the state's gun control laws.

    Last year, there were 406 homicides in Philadelphia, most of them by gunshot, the highest number in nine years, according to the Police Department. From 2004 to 2006, the number of homicides in the city rose 22 percent, more than twice as much as the aggregate increase recorded by 56 cities surveyed by the Police Executive Research Forum, a national law enforcement group.

    This year, the pace of the killings has worsened; as of Friday the death toll stood at 110, or 16 percent higher than at the same time last year. By comparison, in New York City, with six times the population, there were 102 homicides from Jan. 1 to April 8, a drop of almost 24.4 percent from the same period a year ago. The rise in violence is evident at the University of Pennsylvania hospital, whose trauma unit treated 479 gunshot victims last year, a 15 percent increase over 2005. Some 18 percent of the attacks were fatal, and 16 percent of the victims will suffer permanent disabilities, like paralysis from head or spinal injuries, amputations, or long-term damage to internal organs.

    Gun violence is becoming so common in some parts of the city that many people are no longer shocked by it, said Dr. Bill Schwab, chief of trauma and surgical critical care at the hospital.

    "Are people becoming numb to violence? The answer is yes," Dr. Schwab said. "It's very common for them to be sitting on their porch and to hear gunshots in the night."

    What sets Philadelphia apart from other cities, say the police, politicians and academic experts, is the combination of high poverty — with 25 percent of the population living below the poverty line, the city has the highest rate among the 10 biggest cities, according to census data — a youth culture that increasingly settles minor disputes through violence and the easy availability of guns.

    Pennsylvania's cities are forbidden by state law from making their own gun laws, and so must conform to the political will of a largely rural state that, according to the National Rifle Association, has around a quarter of a million gun owners.

    With about 85 percent of Philadelphia's homicides involving guns, gun control advocates are urging state lawmakers to limit handgun purchases to one per person per month. The goal is to choke off supply to so-called straw purchasers, who buy multiple guns on behalf of those who cannot legally acquire the guns themselves because they have criminal records.

    Supporters — including Gov. Edward G. Rendell and Philadelphia's police chief, Sylvester Johnson — say it would not curtail the right of gun owners to bear arms but would significantly reduce the number of illegal guns on the street.

    But many state lawmakers oppose the plan, which was introduced in February as part of a package of gun control measures, as an attempt to curb the Second Amendment right to bear arms. "It's a constitutional infringement," said State Representative Bryan Cutler, a Republican from Lancaster County, at a recent seminar at Temple University Hospital here on the effects of gun violence.

    A similar measure was defeated in the Legislature last October, the day after a Lancaster County gunman carrying a mostly legal arsenal shot 10 Amish schoolgirls in their classroom, killing five of them.

    For Karim Williams, the explanation for Philadelphia's carnage is a lack of jobs.

    "You've got to have jobs for the people that need them," he said from his gurney. "You have to keep people occupied. Without jobs, all you can do is resort to violence."

    Mr. Williams said he recently became a licensed electrician and was looking for work after a past in which he served jail time for crimes including car theft and drug dealing.

    While Mr. Williams hopes to escape the violence of his West Philadelphia neighborhood, it is too late for Richard Johnson. He was killed in a South Philadelphia convenience store in July 2005 when he was 17.

    His mother, Catherine Young, said Richard — who had won a full academic scholarship to a local university — and his cousin were shot by a 16-year-old boy who claimed they were blocking the doorway in the store, and came back a short time later with a gun.

    "It's so easy for them to have a gun," Ms. Young said. "Nobody should own a gun except the police."

    Dan Barry's column, "This Land," will resume next week.


     
    Bush Seeks Overseer For Iraq, Afghanistan

    3 Generals Spurn the Position of War 'Czar'
    Bush Seeks Overseer For Iraq, Afghanistan

    By Peter Baker and Thomas E. Ricks
    Washington Post Staff Writers
    Wednesday, April 11, 2007; A01

    The White House wants to appoint a high-powered czar to oversee the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan with authority to issue directions to the Pentagon, the State Department and other agencies, but it has had trouble finding anyone able and willing to take the job, according to people close to the situation.

    At least three retired four-star generals approached by the White House in recent weeks have declined to be considered for the position, the sources said, underscoring the administration's difficulty in enlisting its top recruits to join the team after five years of warfare that have taxed the United States and its military.

    "The very fundamental issue is, they don't know where the hell they're going," said retired Marine Gen. John J. "Jack" Sheehan, a former top NATO commander who was among those rejecting the job. Sheehan said he believes that Vice President Cheney and his hawkish allies remain more powerful within the administration than pragmatists looking for a way out of Iraq. "So rather than go over there, develop an ulcer and eventually leave, I said, 'No, thanks,' " he said.

    The White House has not publicly disclosed its interest in creating the position, hoping to find someone President Bush can anoint and announce for the post all at once. Officials said they are still considering options for how to reorganize the White House's management of the two conflicts. If they cannot find a person suited for the sort of specially empowered office they envision, they said, they may have to retain the current structure.

    The administration's interest in the idea stems from long-standing concern over the coordination of civilian and military efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan by different parts of the U.S. government. The Defense and State departments have long struggled over their roles and responsibilities in Iraq, with the White House often forced to referee.

    The highest-ranking White House official responsible exclusively for the wars is deputy national security adviser Meghan O'Sullivan, who reports to national security adviser Stephen J. Hadley and does not have power to issue orders to agencies. O'Sullivan plans to step down soon, giving the White House the opportunity to rethink how it organizes the war effort.

    Unlike O'Sullivan, the new czar would report directly to Bush and to Hadley and would have the title of assistant to the president, just as Hadley and the other highest-ranking White House officials have, the sources said. The new czar would also have "tasking authority," or the power to issue directions, over other agencies, they said.

    To fill such a role, the White House is searching for someone with enough stature and confidence to deal directly with heavyweight administration figures such as Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates. Besides Sheehan, sources said, the White House or intermediaries have sounded out retired Army Gen. Jack Keane and retired Air Force Gen. Joseph W. Ralston, who also said they are not interested. Ralston declined to comment; Keane confirmed he declined the offer, adding: "It was discussed weeks ago."

    Kurt Campbell, a Clinton administration Pentagon official who heads the Center for a New American Security, said the difficulty in finding someone to take the job shows that Bush has exhausted his ability to sign up top people to help salvage a disastrous war. "Who's sitting on the bench?" he asked. "Who is there to turn to? And who would want to take the job?"

    All three generals who declined the job have been to varying degrees administration insiders. Keane, a former Army vice chief of staff, was one of the primary proponents of sending more troops to Iraq and presented Bush with his plan for a major force increase during an Oval Office meeting in December. The president adopted the concept in January, although he did not dispatch as many troops as Keane proposed.

    Ralston, a former vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was named by Rice last August to serve as her special envoy for countering the Kurdistan Workers' Party, or PKK, a group designated a terrorist organization by the United States.

    Sheehan, a 35-year Marine, served on the Defense Policy Board advising the Pentagon early in the Bush administration and at one point was reportedly considered by then-Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld to be chairman of the Joint Chiefs. He now works as an executive at Bechtel Corp. developing oil projects in the Middle East.

    In an interview yesterday, Sheehan said that Hadley contacted him and they discussed the job for two weeks but that he was dubious from the start. "I've never agreed on the basis of the war, and I'm still skeptical," Sheehan said. "Not only did we not plan properly for the war, we grossly underestimated the effect of sanctions and Saddam Hussein on the Iraqi people."

    In the course of the discussions, Sheehan said, he called around to get a better feel for the administration landscape.

    "There's the residue of the Cheney view -- 'We're going to win, al-Qaeda's there' -- that justifies anything we did," he said. "And then there's the pragmatist view -- how the hell do we get out of Dodge and survive? Unfortunately, the people with the former view are still in the positions of most influence." Sheehan said he wrote a note March 27 declining interest.

    Gordon Johndroe, a National Security Council spokesman, would not discuss contacts with candidates but confirmed that officials are considering a newly empowered czar.

    "The White House is looking at a number of options on how to structure the Iraq and Afghanistan office in light of Meghan O'Sullivan's departure and the completion of both the Iraq and Afghanistan strategic reviews," he said. He added that "No decisions have been made" and "a list of candidates has not been narrowed down."

    The idea of someone overseeing the wars has been promoted to the White House by several outside advisers. "It would be definitely a good idea," said Frederick W. Kagan, a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. "Hope they do it, and hope they do it soon. And I hope they pick the right guy. It's a real problem that we don't have a single individual back here who is really capable of coordinating the effort."

    Other variations are under consideration. House Democrats have put a provision in their version of a war spending bill that would designate a coordinator to oversee all assistance to Iraq. That person, who would report directly to the president, would require Senate confirmation; the White House said it opposes the proposal because Rice already has an aid coordinator.

    Some administration critics said the ideas miss the point. "An individual can't fix a failed policy," said Carlos Pascual, former State Department coordinator of Iraq reconstruction, who is now a vice president at the Brookings Institution. "So the key thing is to figure out where the policy is wrong."

     
    Photography Collection: Corbis

    Lisa Kyle for The New York Times

    Corbis, started by Bill Gates in 1989, owns millions of images, some of them kept underground in a former limestone mine in rural Pennsylvania.

    April 10, 2007

    A Photo Trove, a Mounting Challenge

    Correction Appended

    In some sense, the iconic photograph of Rosa Parks recreating her quiet act of rebellion on a bus in Montgomery, Ala., belongs to every American. But as a practical matter, it belongs to Bill Gates.

    Anyone wanting to use that image in a book or on a Web site must first license it from Corbis, a corporation founded and owned by Mr. Gates, who is better known for starting Microsoft. The photo is among the 11 million prints and negatives in the legendary Bettmann archive, which Corbis bought in 1995.

    Since that first purchase, Corbis has spent tens of millions of dollars acquiring image collections and other companies, hired more than 1,000 people and set up two dozen offices worldwide. Although Corbis says it brings in some $250 million a year in sales, it has yet to turn a profit.

    Now the company is shuffling its top executives as it takes on new challenges, building up a business in rights management and plotting its response to the rise of low-cost online photo services that threaten to undermine its lucrative stock photo sales.

    The company plans to announce Tuesday that Gary Shenk, the president, is being made chief executive as well. Mr. Shenk, 36, is an expert in rights licensing who has risen rapidly through the Corbis ranks since he was hired in 2003 from Universal Studios, where he started a small licensing unit.

    Steve Davis, 49, the departing chief executive, will continue as a senior adviser after 10 years of running the company.

    The move into rights clearance, which involves sorting out the questions of who owns what material and how much they should be paid for its use, is a departure from the original vision for the company.

    Mr. Gates started Corbis in 1989 with the idea that people would someday decorate their homes with a revolving display of digital artwork — interspersing, say, Stanley Tretick's shot of John F. Kennedy Jr. playing under the desk in the Oval Office with photos of their own families at play.

    That is not how things have worked out. But meanwhile Corbis has built up a formidable stash of historical photos, including those in the Bettmann Archive. In 1999, Corbis acquired the licensing rights to the Sygma collection in France, and two years ago it did the same with a German stock image company called Zefa. It licenses those images for an average of about $250 apiece.

    Corbis also owns digital reproduction rights for art from the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, Russia, the Philadelphia Museum of Art and the National Gallery in London.

    In all, Corbis represents or owns the rights to more than 100 million images, including some of the most famous photographs ever — Arthur Sasse's photo of Einstein sticking his tongue out and Marilyn Monroe on the subway grate. And Corbis handles the licensing of millions of other images on behalf of thousands of photographers.

    The archival photos bring in about half of Corbis's sales, but the company also has a stable of professional photographers who generate stock photos for advertising and media clients — images of children on playgrounds, people sitting in business meetings and men in khakis swinging golf clubs.

    Over the past few years, Corbis has moved beyond newspaper and magazine clients to pursue advertising and graphic design agencies, as well as corporate marketing departments, which are turning increasingly to high-quality stock photography rather than doing their own expensive photo shoots.

    Those customers are also buying from Corbis's growing library of 30,000 short video clips — mostly generic scenes of, say, people shopping or running down the beach.

    What Corbis did not foresee was the rise of so-called microstock agencies like Fotolia and iStockPhoto. These sites take advantage of the phenomenon known as crowdsourcing, or turning to the online masses for free or low-cost submissions. Thousands of amateur and semiprofessional photographers armed with high-quality digital cameras and a copy of Photoshop contribute photographs to microstock sites, which often charge $1 to $5 an image.

    Although the microstock business still represents a small fraction of the $2 billion market for stock photos, analysts say it is possible that low micropayment prices could take business away from the higher-priced images Corbis relies on for the bulk of its revenues.

    "Think about how visual the world is," said Barbara Coffey, a senior research analyst at Kaufman Brothers in New York who follows the stock photography market. "We have pictures on our cellphones. If I can get a reasonably clear picture and the rights are cleared and I pay $2 for it, then why would I pay Corbis $200?"

    The rise of the microstock companies has been of particular concern to Corbis. For all its new lines of business, the company still gets some 88 percent of its revenues from image licenses, yet commands only about 11 percent of that market. Getty Images dominates the market with a 40 percent share.

    Getty, which has grown quickly since its start in 1995 with the backing of its wealthy co-founder, Mark Getty, has a foothold in microstock thanks to iStockPhoto, which it bought last year for $50 million.

    Mr. Shenk said Corbis would announce its plans for the microstock business sometime this quarter. As for the question of how a high-end company enters that business without cannibalizing its more expensive products, Mr. Shenk said the idea was to find a new kind of customer, people who would never envision buying pictures from a Corbis or Getty.

    In that vein, Mr. Shenk said Corbis would make its service as easy to use as the iTunes store of Apple and hinted that Corbis would also be following the crowdsourcing model.

    "More interesting and innovative things are happening on the pages of Flickr these days than on Corbis and Getty," said Mr. Shenk, referring to the photo-sharing site owned by Yahoo. "If we can use this type of opportunity to find the next great group of Corbis photographers, that also makes it a great opportunity for us."

    Corbis is also betting heavily on its Creative Resources division, which includes rights services and recorded 44 percent growth in revenue last year, to $30.1 million.

    Mr. Shenk, who will take over from Mr. Davis at the end of June, is most likely the biggest reason for that growth. When Mr. Shenk left Universal for Corbis in 2003, he took five people and an impressive Rolodex with him. Now nearly 30 Corbis employees work in rights clearance, in offices in Los Angeles, New York, Europe and Asia.

    Mr. Shenk, a Hollywood veteran who is an expert in what he calls "new ways to sell media," said he believed Corbis was offering something unique in building a worldwide network of rights experts. The business of rights clearance, he said, is often a matter of knowing whom to call, and the idea is to make Corbis the first place that comes to mind when, say, an advertising agency is trying to clear the rights to use an image, video clip, or song.

    Such was the case when the band U2 made its most recent video, for "Window in the Skies," which braided together some 100 clips of old stars like Ella Fitzgerald and Frank Sinatra, synched to the new song's music and lyrics. Corbis helped the band's production company negotiate a thicket of publicity rights.

    Roughly one-third of Corbis's 1,100 employees are in downtown Seattle, in an old bank building well suited to the company's hip self-image. The vast, open, two-story space has retained several enormous vaults that once held gold bars and now serve as photocopy and office supply rooms. Conference rooms are named after famous photographers, and copies of their work cover many of the walls.

    The Corbis photographs themselves are not stored in Seattle, except digitally on the computers there. And those digital images constitute only a small fraction of Corbis's holdings. Of the 50 million items in the Sygma collection, just 800,000 have been digitized.

    The prints and negatives from Otto L. Bettmann's archive, as well as those from a few smaller collections, are kept 220 feet underground in a former limestone mine in rural Pennsylvania. In February, Corbis announced that it would be storing the Sygma collection in a preservation facility near Paris.

    As ventures go, Corbis represents a small investment for Mr. Gates. He pays for large expenditures, and the company uses its revenues to cover smaller projects within the firm.

    Mr. Gates's involvement in the company is minimal. He spends only two to three hours each month meeting with Corbis management. Yet it is clear that he makes the big decisions. He has no interest, for example, in treating the undigitized portions of the image collections like one of his charities by, say, donating them to a public entity.

    Despite the hands-off approach, Mr. Gates is apparently never far from the minds of Corbis employees. Mr. Shenk is in the process of relocating to Seattle from Los Angeles, and his sparsely decorated office in Seattle is evidence of the commuter life he has been leading. The only work of art in evidence one recent afternoon was on Mr. Shenk's whiteboard, where a colleague had drawn the unmistakable likeness of Mr. Gates, peering out from behind his glasses.

    "Keep up the good work, Shenk," Mr. Gates says. "Or I'll kill you."

    Correction: April 11, 2007

    An article in Business Day yesterday about the photography licensing company Corbis misidentified the photographer who took a well-known photo of John F. Kennedy Jr. playing under his father's desk in the Oval Office. It was Stanley Tretick — not Cecil Stoughton, who also shot pictures in the Kennedy White House.


April 9, 2007

  • Year of Magical Thinking,Pope Benedict, Bloggers,Thoroughbreds,Hostages,Malaysian Grand Prix

    Monday, April 09, 2007

    Pope Benedict XVI Keeping the Faith

    Paolo Pellegrin/Mangum, for The York Times

    Spreading the Word Postcards for sale at one of the many kiosks near St. Peter's Square

    April 8, 2007

    Keeping the Faith

    Walk into a shop to buy a newspaper or a wurst or a Game Boy in the German city of Regensburg and your server will probably welcome you with a brisk "grüss' Gott," shorthand for "God greet you." It's the local form of hello: street-corner dudes and grandmas, everyone says it. This is Bavaria, Germany's Catholic heartland, a region that gives the lie to the popular notion that Western Europe has tossed its Christian heritage in history's dustbin. Bavaria is as modern as you please — a center of the European telecommunications industry, the home of BMW (as in Bavarian Motor Works) — but on any special occasion you see couples wandering around looking like Hansel and Gretel, in lederhosen and dirndls. Elsewhere in Germany, Bavarian jokes serve the same function that Polish jokes used to in the United States. Bavarians will tell you they hold to tradition, religion and antique styles of speech not out of stupidity or addiction to kitsch but because they believe these things encompass what is real and true.

    The center of Regensburg is all old stone, a carefully preserved medley of medieval towers, gates and spires clustered on the banks of the Danube, and in various ways — the firmness of the material, the rigorous workmanship, the serious commitment to the past as a component of the present — you might see this clutch of buildings as a metaphor for the mind and heart of Bavaria's most illustrious native. Joseph Ratzinger — Pope Benedict XVI — was born in a little village tucked between a ridge and a broad plain of farmland to the east, and the major events of his childhood and much of his adulthood played out around here. It was in many ways an idyllic, almost fairy-tale youth. The family home in Traunstein was an 18th-century farmhouse with a single wood-shingled roof covering living quarters, hayloft and animal stalls. The Roman Catholic Church provided both structure and spectacle: at Eastertime, black curtains hung on the windows of the village church, so that, as Ratzinger wrote in his 1997 autobiography, "the whole space was filled by a mysterious darkness. When the pastor sang the words 'Christ is risen!' the curtains would suddenly fall, and the space would be flooded by radiant light. This was the most impressive portrayal of the Lord's Resurrection that I can conceive of."

    The Bavarian idyll dissolved: Nazi songs crept into the music books at school. Ratzinger entered the seminary in 1939 as Hitler's soldiers completed the occupation of Czechoslovakia. Shortly after, at age 16, he was drafted and began his much-reported stint in the Hitler Youth, assigned to guard a BMW plant north of Munich. When the Americans arrived, they used his family home as their base and took him as a war prisoner. Throughout the Nazi experience, his father guided him to see it as an outgrowth of modern godlessness. The effect was to reinforce the idea of the church as a bulwark against darkness — against secularism and rationality run amok.

    Returning to the seminary immediately after the war, Ratzinger became deeply influenced by the philosophy of personalism, which saw the basis of reality not in bloodless science but in the individual human being and whose adherents would come to include Vaclav Havel and the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. He looked, too, to the German philosophers Edmund Husserl and Martin Heidegger as guides, for their inquiries into "pure being" allowed for a more human understanding of the world than the scientific materialism that was rapidly winning acceptance in Western culture. But all of this was mere supplement to Catholic theology. "Dogma" wasn't a dirty word — it was the ground. "Dogma was conceived not as an external shackle but as the living source that made knowledge of the truth possible in the first place," he wrote in his memoirs. Ratzinger rose rapidly through the ranks of Bavaria's intensely rigorous Catholic institutions, holding the chairmanship in dogma at the University of Regensburg from 1969 to 1976, until he was appointed archbishop of Munich and Freising and his career focus shifted toward Rome.

    So the occasion of the speech that Benedict made at the University of Regensburg last September — the speech that caromed around the world and caused protests in the Middle East and attacks on Christians and churches in Iraq, Somalia and the West Bank for his seeming to say that Islam is a religion of violence — marked a homecoming, albeit an incendiary one.

    The speech was a setback for relations between Islam and the West (by most accounts the pope regained some ground on his subsequent trip to Turkey last November), yet it also laid bare the foundation of the pontificate Benedict would pursue and so in a sense marked the real beginning of the post-John Paul II era in the Catholic Church. Today, as he approaches the second anniversary of his papacy (April 19) and his 80th birthday (April 16), it seems clear that Joseph Ratzinger's lifelong agenda — rooted in Bavarian Catholicism and his experience of Nazism — has been updated, and he is now trying to bring it to bear on the post-9/11 world.

    As it routinely does with journalists, the Vatican declined requests for a papal interview for this article, but Benedict has made his objectives clear in a variety of ways. Compared with his predecessor, who was elected pope at the age of 58, he knows he has a limited time and has been rather direct in advancing his theme. The poles of his papacy might be seen in the subjects of two books by him just being released in the United States. One is about Jesus. The other is titled "Europe Today and Tomorrow." Benedict is one of the most intellectual men ever to serve as pope — and surely one of the most intellectual of current world leaders — and he has pinpointed the problem of the age, as well as its solution, at the level of philosophy. His argument, elaborated in the years leading up to his election and continuing through his daily speeches and pronouncements, reduces to something like this: Secularism may be one of the great developments in history, but the secularism that holds sway in much of the West — that is, in Western Europe — is flawed; it has a bug in its programming. The mistaken conviction that reason and faith are two distinct realms has weakened Europe and has brought it to the verge of catastrophic collapse. As he said in a speech in 2004: "There exist pathologies in religion that are extremely dangerous and that make it necessary to see the divine light of reason as a 'controlling organ.' . . . However . . . there are also pathologies of reason . . . there is a hubris of reason that is no less dangerous." If you seek a way out of the vast post-9/11 quagmire (Baghdad bomb blasts, Iranian nukes, Danish cartoons, ever-more-bizarre airport security measures and the looming mayhem they are meant to stop), and for that matter if you believe in Europe and "the West" (the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel, a bottle of Chateau Lafite Rothschild, the whole heritage of 2,500 years of history), then now, Benedict in effect argues, the Catholic Church must be heeded. Because its tradition was filtered through the Enlightenment, the thinking goes, the church can provide a bridge between godless rationality and religious fundamentalism.

    One remarkable thing about Benedict's papacy has been that he has largely disarmed the left wing of the church. In his 24 years as prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, the Vatican enforcement office once known as the Inquisition, he built a famously fearsome reputation for doctrinal correctness: disciplining Latin American practitioners of liberation theology; restating the ancient dogma that "there is no salvation outside the church"; adamantly resisting any effort to change policies regarding birth control, priestly celibacy or the ordination of women; and having no qualms about stepping into the political arena, as when he instructed American bishops during the 2004 presidential campaign that it was wrong to grant Communion to a Catholic — like John Kerry — who supports abortion rights.

    But when Ratzinger became Benedict, "God's Rottweiler," as he was sometimes known, grew far tamer; he has instead played the roles of pastor and father. With some notable exceptions (he issued a reminder last month that "hell, of which so little is said in our time, exists and is eternal"), the emphasis has been less on railing against the Catholic evils of abortion and birth control than on occupying the safe high ground: peace in Iraq, religious freedom, confronting poverty. One reason may be that while Benedict is the same person as the Cardinal Ratzinger who served as John Paul II's enforcer, "he is also the same person as the young theologian who helped craft some of the progressive measures of the 1960s" during the Second Vatican Council, the Rev. Keith Pecklers, a professor of liturgical history at the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome, told me recently. "Perhaps he's rediscovering some of that freedom."

    Immediately after the white smoke went up, the liberal theologian Hans Küng — who for decades has called for the church to decentralize, accept birth control and allow priests to marry — declared Ratzinger's election "an enormous disappointment." But a year later he said he saw "signs of hope," and in a recent e-mail message, he indicated to me that he still does, albeit with reservations. Another church figure known for his liberal views, who spoke on condition he not be identified, said of the pope: "He has surprised everyone. You can't take the things he wrote in his earlier role and use them as guidelines."

    Benedict is a man of curious contrasts. People who know him well use the same words to describe his personal demeanor, which runs counter to the image he developed in his previous role: they say he is meek, shy, courtly, modest, and indeed, seeing him in person — his eyes wide, his gaze soft and searching, as if for something he lost — you get the impression less of a holy warrior than of a kindly grandfather. Although a consummate Vatican insider, he has a certain lack of savvy, as evidenced in Regensburg and again in January when he appointed to the archbishopric of Warsaw a man who, it turned out, had ties with Poland's Communist-era secret police and who was forced to resign two days later. Friends say that at the table he is abstemious, typically taking modest portions of one or two dishes (he has a special fondness for mozzarella cheese) and drinking a small amount of red wine. Yet he has also been known to wear Prada and Gucci.

    As a longtime university professor, the pope is well known for his collegiality, his reaching out to, and exchanging ideas with, a broad spectrum of Catholics as well as with nonbelievers. This may explain why, despite the fact that his core conservative convictions are unchanged, he has managed to get many left-leaning church figures to rally around his central focus. Notker Wolf, abbot primate of the worldwide Benedictine order, himself a Bavarian who has known the pope for decades, was critical at the start, based on Ratzinger's actions in his previous job. But Wolf, too, was won over. As we sat in the serene Sant'Anselmo monastery on the Aventine Hill in Rome, which serves as the headquarters of the Benedictines, he distilled the pope's core message for me this way: "Western society has become detached from the roots of its creator. This is the basic view of the pope, and it is my view also. What the Muslims say about the decadence of Europe is partly right, and that's because we think we have to set up everything as if God doesn't exist. On the other hand, faith also has to be reasonable — it has to stand in front of reason. I would say that he means this not just regarding terrorism but also charismatics. He says we have to remain sober in this religious way of thinking. The old Occidental tradition has been a fruitful tension between faith and reason."

    Recent events elsewhere — China's Communist government's nominating its own bishops and creating a kind of shadow Catholic church, a renegade Zambian archbishop's ordaining married priests in Africa even after being excommunicated — demand a great deal of the Vatican's attention and underscore the fact that the church's growth and future are in parts of the world where Catholicism is an alien culture. Yet Benedict is European to the core, and for him Western Europe remains the heart of the church. It is also, in his view, the place where the tension between reason and faith is most acute and most potentially explosive. Thus the import of the speech he delivered on his native soil. The paradox he put forth in the address is that where the secular West tends to think it has expanded the scope of reason, in fact it has done the reverse. Many of the problems facing the West, he argues, stem from the fact that secular Europe is losing its ability to communicate with the rest of the world. This dangerous chasm has to be bridged. "We will succeed in doing so only if reason and faith come together in a new way," he said, "if we overcome the self-imposed limitation of reason to the empirically falsifiable and if we once more disclose its vast horizons."

    Talking about the speech, the Rev. Thomas Reese, former editor of the American Jesuit journal America, who, interestingly, was fired from that post by then-Cardinal Ratzinger for allowing too broad a range of ideas in its pages, told me: "The Regensburg address was not about Islam. The pope's primary target is Europe. He sees a great need for it to get back to its Christian roots. That is his main goal, and if he accomplishes it, it would trump John Paul II's achievement in helping bring down Communism."

    Then again, what nobody knows — as I learned in travels through traditionally Catholic parts of Europe over the fall and winter — is whether it is too late. As one retired archbishop said to me, speaking on condition of anonymity, "There are European bishops who feel you can't talk about a Christian Europe anymore without insulting people's intelligence."

    "Europe is infected by a strange lack of desire for the future."
    Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, "Without Roots," 2004

    Six nights before Christmas, I wandered into the Church of Santa Maria Sopra Minerva in central Rome. The church is one of Catholicism's great Gothic temples, a soaring, vaulted space in which the tombs of popes and saints line the nave. The building dates to the 13th century, but as its name suggests, its lineage goes much further back. It was erected on the site of an eighth-century church, which in turn was constructed over an ancient shrine to the Roman goddess of wisdom.

    As it happened, vespers Mass was just beginning, so I slid into a pew. This being the holy season, the Mass featured a phalanx of seven priests, resplendent in purple raiments. What skewed the picture was the congregation: a total of 11 people, all but lost in the soaring stony grandeur, the only ones clearly under the age of 70 being three African women in head scarves and floral dresses. It may have been incongruous, but it wasn't unexpected. This is the face of European Catholicism — of Christianity in general in Europe — that we have come to expect in recent years as studies and news reports back up the notion of a continent that has seemingly outgrown its ancient spiritual practices: the splendor and majesty of the Western tradition reduced to a geriatric, art-filled echo chamber.

    Comparing survey data on church attendance in Europe and the United States is doubly revealing. In Western Europe as a whole, fewer than 20 percent of people say they go to church (Catholic or Protestant) twice a month or more; in some countries the figure is below 5 percent. In England, fewer than 8 percent go to church on Sundays. In the U.S., by contrast, 63 percent say they are a member of a church or synagogue, and 43 percent of respondents to a 2006 Gallup Poll said they attended services weekly or almost weekly. But the story is more complicated than this. "The interesting fact is that people responding to questions about religion lie in both directions," says the Spanish sociologist José Casanova, who is chairman of the sociology department at the New School for Social Research in New York and an authority on religion in Europe and the United States. "In America, people exaggerate how religious they are, and in Europe, it's the other way around. That has to do with the situation of religion in both places. Americans think religion is a good thing and tend to feel guilty that they aren't religious enough. In Europe, they think being religious is bad, and they actually feel guilty about being too religious."

    The landscape of the church in Europe — and not just the Catholic Church but nearly all forms of organized Christianity — is changing at a lightning pace. As precipitous as the decline in parishioners is, the drop-off in seminarians is even greater — in Ireland, there are only 3.6 seminarians per 100 priests, as compared with 10 per 100 in the U.S. and 22.5 per 100 in still-faithful Poland — so that with fewer new priests every year, the church in Western Europe is forced to import. It's not uncommon to find African priests saying Mass in Tuscany.

    Few of the people I talked to in the vast and effusive crowds swarming central Regensburg while the pope was there said they believed he would succeed in bringing back the European church. "This pope is good for Germany and for all the world!" a man selling Tyrolean sausages in the town's central square said proudly. But when asked about the future of the church, he laughed. "In Germany, church attendance is down and down. I don't think he can change that." Sociologists and even some church officials routinely apply the term "post-Christian" to Europe or parts thereof. Spain is still deeply Catholic in its cultural identity, yet polls show half the country "almost never" attends Mass, and the government has defied the church in legalizing same-sex marriage and making abortion easier to obtain. A recent survey of the Church of England by researchers at the University of Wales showed that only 60 percent of its clergy believe in the virgin birth of Jesus, and 1 out of 33 Anglican priests doubts the existence of God.

    This picture — of a continent that is truly and profoundly secular, that has lost its ear for the spiritual — is what Benedict railed at in his Regensburg talk: "A reason which is deaf to the divine and which relegates religion into the realm of subcultures is incapable of entering into the dialogue of cultures." Writing in 2005, just before his election, he laid the blame squarely on Western Europe: "While Europe once was the Christian Continent, it was also the birthplace of that new scientific rationality which has given us both enormous possibilities and enormous menaces. . . . In the wake of this form of rationality, Europe has developed a culture that, in a manner hitherto unknown to mankind, excludes God from public awareness. . . . A culture has developed in Europe that is the most radical contradiction not only of Christianity but of all the religious and moral traditions of humanity."

    And yet there are indications that reports of the Continent's spiritual death have been exaggerated. Consider the curious fact that Benedict's Wednesday prayers in St. Peter's Square routinely attract many more people than did those of the wildly popular John Paul II — this despite the fact that Benedict's style is more professorial than theatrical. Consider that 79 percent of Spaniards still think of themselves as Catholics and that more than 90 percent of Italians sign their children up for Catholic religious instruction.

    Or consider that after I attended the nearly empty Christmas season Mass at Sopra Minerva in Rome, I strolled a few hundred yards away, just across the Tiber, to find a radically different spectacle. The Basilica of Santa Maria in Trastevere is just as ancient and just as packed with icons that are featured in art-history texts as Sopra Minerva. Here 300 people filled the pews, as is more or less the case seven nights a week at 8:30 p.m. They were mostly in their 20s to 40s, most seemed to be professionals, a group both well shod and featuring some extreme eyewear. The setting couldn't have been more Catholic, and yet it wasn't a Mass that was taking place. No priest officiated; there was no Communion offered, no body and blood of Christ. It was an energetic, soulful lay service, a 30-minute meditation — a well-orchestrated mix of prayer and song on a spot where Christians have celebrated their rites since around 300 A.D., conducted by and for ordinary people. Precisely at 9 o'clock it ended; people gathered into clusters and chatted briefly and then everyone headed into the night.

    This is the home church of the Community of Sant'Egidio, a lay movement that began here in the Trastevere section of Rome in 1968 and now has a presence in 70 countries. The roots of it are these prayer events, which take place every evening in cities around the world. "I would say half of us had left the church or were never in the church," Leone Gianturco, a 44-year-old economist with the Italian Treasury, told me following the service. "This is personal fellowship. It's a community that makes sense for us."

    Lay Catholic movements have made little headway in the United States, but they have proliferated in Europe. The secret of the lay movements, Pecklers, the liturgical history professor, says, is that "they have a language that reaches people. Look at the average European parish, where there aren't many people in church for Mass. They don't know one another, the priest comes out of the sacristy and begins Mass. There's no contact between the priest and the people. The homily may be quite abstract. What would attract a young Italian or Spaniard to go to church, except obligation? The individual is not being nourished. That's why you find people shopping around."

    Each lay group attracts particular kinds of people. Sant'Egidio's focus on poverty and peace draws activists. Its leaders helped mediate between warring factions in Mozambique, Uganda and Kosovo; several times the group has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. The current focus is on a program to make H.I.V. drug therapy more widely available in Africa. (The program also includes distribution of condoms, but quietly, since Sant'Egidio wants to maintain good relations with the Vatican.)

    Focolare, another lay movement that began in Italy and has spread worldwide, has a more inward focus and a more conservative bent. The core members live together in small units of three to five people, which are the contact points for the wider community. The organizing principle is "unity." "We achieve this unity by loving, because when we love one another then Jesus is present, and it grows, so that 2 or 3 becomes 10 or 20," says Julian Ciabattini, a member of the Focolare board. Focolare claims two million followers worldwide, with the strongest growth in Italy, Germany, Brazil and Argentina.

    Most of these lay Catholic movements began in the 1960s and '70s in the wake of the Second Vatican Council, started by young Catholics who chafed under the top-down system of control operated by elderly celibate males. The groups remained small for years. Since they existed outside the power structure of the church, they weren't entirely understood by church leaders, many of whom were suspicious. But early in his pontificate John Paul II embraced and encouraged the movements and gave them official standing, so that during his tenure the varieties of lay groups and their membership increased precipitously. When John Paul held the first World Congress of Ecclesial Movements and New Communities in 1998, 400,000 people, representing more than 100 lay Catholic groups, gathered in St. Peter's Square in Rome. That was one indication, for many church leaders, that something remarkable was afoot.

    The next was John Paul's funeral in 2005, which became an international event on a scale the modern church had never experienced. According to many observers, the lay movements substantially accounted for the unimagined numbers of mourners who poured into Rome. Data on declining church attendance obscure the fact that there is a good deal of spiritual hunger in Europe, but it is largely outside institutional religion, a phenomenon that the British sociologist Grace Davie calls "believing without belonging." The Vatican is aware of this and says that the lay Catholic movements may represent a bridge, a way to bring the aimless, searching, largely secular Europeans back into the fold.

    Msgr. Donald Bolen, an official with the Vatican's Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian Unity, told me that the lay movements "are movements of the Holy Spirit. The temptation in the church has long been to try to keep the parishes filled, to spend energy on maintenance. These movements are not about maintenance of old structures. But this isn't a new thing. When Francis of Assisi started with his little band of disciples, some were confused. Movements within the church are not new." The pope's media spokesman, the Rev. Federico Lombardi, made much the same point to me: "The lay movements are a sign of life. The Vatican is not the whole church."

    But the problem is that the spiritual hunger that exists in Europe seems to be precisely for what the church can't provide. Polls show that Europeans distrust institutions of all kinds. For an institution that is practically synonymous with hierarchy and control, the lay movements may represent as much a threat as a promise. Some of the groups have been chastised by the Vatican for straying from doctrine on issues like marriage and confession; some are so insular and devoted to following the teaching of their founders that critics have compared them to cults or sects. (There is at least one Web site devoted to helping "recovering" members of Focolare.)

    In an age when the church is struggling against the twin tides of secularism and resurgent Islam, conservatives say that Rome needs to assert its authority to ensure that its message and power are not diluted. Alessandro Maggiolini, the recently retired bishop from Como in Northern Italy, has argued that in 50 years the church itself will be extinct not because of outside forces but because of disobedience to church teaching. On the other side, Cardinal Godfried Danneels of Belgium has called for the church to decentralize, to open itself up to its own people. This is the question that has divided the church since the reforms of Vatican II in the 1960s: Is the church the people or the institution? In Europe, the institution may be on life support, but the Vatican knows there is energy to be harnessed among the masses. So far, Benedict seems to want to have it both ways. When he held the second gathering of lay movements in May 2006, attracting a crowd in the hundreds of thousands, he praised their energy, but the praise came with a warning and a reminder that they are not citizens in a religious democracy or diners at a spiritual buffet but are members of an institution whose power flows from the top, its infallible leader, and moves through the channels of the bishops and priests down to the laity. "I trust in your ready obedience," he said.

    "The Muslims ... feel threatened not by the foundations
    of our Christian morality but by the cynicism of a secularized
    culture that denies its own foundations."

    Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, "Christianity and the Crisis of Cultures," 2005

    Deep in the old quarter of Brussels called the Marolles — an area with a mixed population of impoverished immigrants and Gauloise-smoking hipsters — sits a decaying pile of a church, the Ãglise des Minimes, that was built in the early 1700s on the site of a whorehouse. One afternoon in late December, I showed up in time for the 12:15 Mass, but the church was completely empty. After a while, a man appeared and pointed me to a door. In a side chapel no bigger than a family dining room, I found the congregation, which in its entirety consisted of a woman in her 60s, a man in his 50s and the priest, who stood before a small table covered with white cloth on which sat a Bible, a missal, two white candles and a six-inch crucifix.

    After he had said Mass, Abbé Jacques van der Biest, 78 years old but built like a wrestler, gave me an account of what had transpired in his church a couple of months before. In October, a group of illegal Iranian immigrants barricaded themselves inside and began a hunger strike, trying to force Belgian officials to grant them asylum. It ended several days later, with two of the men climbing onto a nearby crane and threatening to jump while others inside vowed to light themselves on fire. The police surrounded the building; eventually the men gave themselves up. Far from minding his church being taken over, the abbé had rather encouraged it — he had given sanctuary to Muslim asylum-seekers in the past and joined the refugees inside the barricade. "For me the question isn't Muslims or not Muslims," he said. "They are people who are looking for refuge, who need help."

    The event, and others like it, caused a stir in this small nation that prides itself on progressive values. Starting in 2005, as part of the most recent wave of illegal — mostly Muslim — immigrants entering Europe seeking asylum, and amid the backlash across Europe, many Catholic churches opened themselves up as sanctuaries, places where immigrants could stay as they fought for asylum. While the Vatican was supportive — "The church has always sided with the weak," said Karl-Josef Rauber, the papal nuncio to Belgium — many conservative Catholics were outraged. "While Western Europe is turning Muslim, its Christian churches are committing suicide," wrote Paul Belien, editor of the Brussels Journal.

    Meanwhile, in Genoa late last year, a Capuchin friar sparked a nationwide outcry by offering local Muslims a parcel of church land on which to build a mosque. Currently, in the Andalusia region of Spain, Muslim leaders are locked in a struggle with local bishops over plans to build mosques and an Islamic center, in what some Catholics fear is a plan to turn the Spanish province back into al-Andalus, the Muslim stronghold of the Middle Ages.

    Conservative Catholics see all of these as variations on a dark theme: the barbarians are not only at the gate; they have swarmed the temple. As these critics well know, Islam is the fastest-growing religion in Europe. Estimates of the Muslim population in the 25 nations of the European Union range from 15 to 20 million, and the U.S. National Intelligence Council projects the number to double by 2025.

    On the other hand, there is a sense in which Christians and Muslims in Europe see themselves as being in the same boat. I spent time in Rome at the Pontifical Gregorian University, the Vatican's premier training ground for priests and others entering religious life, in order to learn about a program, begun in 2000, that brings graduate students from the Muslim world to study Christianity alongside seminarians. The purpose is not to convert the Muslims. "The aim is that they will go back to their own country and speak of their experience here and testify that something different is possible," said Gaetano Sabetta, who works in the program, and by "something different" he meant a new model of cooperation and understanding as both faiths grapple with secular culture. The Muslim students say they feel bewildered by Italian society but are comfortable at the Gregorian itself. "Within the university, the atmosphere is very religious," says Omar Sillah, a student from Gambia. "It feels natural to me, as a religious Muslim. But as soon as you step outside the premises, it's a different world." The chief reaction of these devout, culturally savvy Muslims to living in Europe seems to be pity. "The situation of Christianity here is very sad for me," says Ahmet Kademoglu, from Istanbul, who sometimes gives talks on religion at public schools in Italy. "When I speak to groups of students here, I feel they treat religion like a football club, a side you are on. Whereas for me religion is where I find answers to the problems of life."

    Kademoglu brought my attention to a significant paradox. His home, Turkey, is a secular country where studying Arabic is problematic, but the language is offered at the Gregorian. "Here I spent three years learning the language of the Koran and did it alongside priests and nuns who wanted to understand my religion," he said. This seems to be what the pope had in mind in his Regensburg address when he talked about the Catholic Church's blending of reason and faith. "Christian worship . . . is worship in harmony with the eternal word and with our reason," Benedict said. His choice of name reflects his emphasis on the intellectual tradition of St. Benedict, whose religious order preserved knowledge in Europe through the Middle Ages. Catholicism, for Benedict, has always been about study, intellect, reason. "We are part of the modern world," he says in effect. "We do reason. We study other faiths. We'll even teach you Arabic."

    While the address on his native soil was condemned for his reference to Islam and violence, the larger issue, which is perhaps no less incendiary, is his implicit notion that Islam lacks this rational gene. He noted in the talk that "not to act in accordance with reason is contrary to God's nature" and quoted a scholar, seemingly approvingly, who contrasted this with Islam: "But for Muslim teaching, God is absolutely transcendent. His will is not bound up with any of our categories, even that of rationality." Benedict was taken to task by 38 Muslim scholars, who wrote a joint letter indicating that his words distorted Muslim thought on reason and faith and stating that Muslims acknowledge "a hierarchy of knowledge of which reason is a crucial part." But while the Vatican backpedaled, Benedict was probably addressing a concern of many Europeans, both in the church and out.

    "The positive aspects of modernity are to be acknowledged
    unreservedly: we are all grateful for the marvelous possibilities that
    it has opened up for mankind and for the progress in
    humanity that has been granted to us. The intention here is not one of retrenchment or negative criticism but of broadening
    our concept of reason and its application."

    Pope Benedict, address delivered in Regensburg, Germany, Sept. 12, 2006

    Two weeks ago, as part of the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, which created the European Economic Community, Benedict addressed the cardinals and bishops of Europe along with an assortment of politicians. His theme was the need for Europe to return to the church, and after duly noting the extraordinary economic success that the E.U. has achieved, he added: "One must unfortunately note that Europe seems to be traveling along a road that could lead to its disappearance from history."

    This theme was familiar to many of those present, who had not only heard it from Benedict before but had sounded it themselves in recent years. The attempt to fashion a European Union Constitution mostly made news in the U.S. when it was shot down in 2005 by voters in France and the Netherlands. But in Europe there had previously been considerable fuss over the wording of the preamble, in which some felt it necessary to define "Europe" beyond mere geography. In terms of history and culture, authors of the document were happy to refer to European roots in Greek and Roman antiquity and to acknowledge the Enlightenment and the scientific tradition. But when Pope John Paul II made a push for recognition of the role of Christianity, and in particular Catholicism, in shaping Europe, he was rejected. "The lay character of French institutions does not allow them to accept a religious reference," the president of France, Jacques Chirac, said.

    Quite a few Europeans were spurred to action by this rejection. It happened that on successive days in May 2004, Cardinal Ratzinger, then prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, and Marcello Pera, then president of the Italian Senate, who was also once a philosopher at the University of Pisa, gave speeches on the topic of European identity on each other's turf in Rome, the churchman in the Italian Senate and the senator at the Pontifical Lateran University. Ratzinger's theme was "the spiritual roots of Europe," and he criticized a culture that gave value and protection to other religions — notably Judaism and Islam — but that denied the same to Christianity. With his trademark bite, he identified "a peculiar Western self-hatred that is nothing short of pathological."

    Though Pera is a nonbeliever, both men were struck by the fact that the two speeches overlapped a good deal. "It got a lot of people thinking," Pera told me.

    Pera and Ratzinger eventually published a book together called "Without Roots," which criticized the secular European mind-set and concluded that European secularism is disastrously misguided. "I began to realize that if we cannot recognize the fact that Christianity shaped our culture, then we lose our identity," Pera said. "And then how can we have a dialogue with other civilizations? That's exactly what has happened with Islam. Europe is losing its soul. Not only are we no longer Christian; we're anti-Christian. So we don't know who we are."

    Ratzinger, meanwhile, scathingly compared contemporary Europe with resurgent Islam. Islam today, he wrote at the time in an essay that is part of the book on Europe that was just released, "is capable of offering a valid spiritual basis for the life of the peoples, a basis that seems to have slipped out of the hands of old Europe, which thus, notwithstanding its continued political and economic power, is increasingly viewed as a declining culture condemned to fade away." At the Mass following the death of John Paul II, it was Ratzinger who gave the homily to his fellow cardinals, which amounted to a restating of his theme: "We are moving toward a dictatorship of relativism which does not recognize anything as for certain and which has as its highest goal one's own ego and one's own desires." The "dictatorship of relativism" trope sharpened — not to say hardened — the church's position vis-à-vis secular European culture and may have been what swept him into office.

    Senator Pera exemplifies a species that virtually doesn't exist in the U.S.: a politician who publicly professes his lack of religious faith and who is a conservative to boot. He was the No. 2 man in Silvio Berlusconi's government, and he is blunt in expressing his beliefs about the Muslim presence in Europe. ("I use the term 'invasion,' " Pera told me.) But the alignment of intellectuals behind the Ratzinger-Benedict call for a renewed appreciation of religion and the church in Europe extends leftward as well. In 2001, the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas, arguably Europe's most distinguished intellectual, was set to accept an award in Frankfurt, but the Sept. 11 attacks, just three weeks earlier, caused him to rethink his remarks. Like many philosophers, Habermas is not spiritually inclined, but he refocused on the subject of the interaction of faith and reason. Religious convictions, he said, are not the nonsense that philosophy has long portrayed them to be but rather pose a genuine "cognitive challenge" that philosophy has to take up.

    In January 2004, the Catholic Academy of Bavaria invited Habermas and Cardinal Ratzinger to air their ideas about the moral foundations of society in a public forum. There, Habermas used the term "post-secular" to describe what modern society ought to be. Secularization, he and others have argued, was first the process, begun in the 17th and 18th centuries, of prying the fingers of the church from government and economy — all the aspects of life in which it had gained control. The idea emerged of the state as a neutral foundation for its citizens and their varied beliefs. But in Europe, secularism then came to mean antireligion. Historically, this antipathy was directed at Catholicism as well as at Protestant churches; Muslim immigration has teased it back to the surface and given it a new target.

    But keeping religion in a cage has been a huge mistake, according to some intellectuals on both the left and the right. "I don't say that we need religion because we need conservative values," Casanova of the New School for Social Research told me. "From the left, the point is not to defend religion per se but to defend the principle of free exercise."

    The Catholic Church has always been the dominant religious institution in Europe, but the global, high-profile papacy of John Paul II had the effect of making the church, and the pope in particular, something more: the flag bearer for Christianity. As a result of John Paul, Bishop John Flack, the archbishop of Canterbury's representative to the Holy See, told me: "I think there are quite a number of Christians around the world who would say that while we may have questions about the papacy, we have come to see the Catholic pope as a leader. There's a sense in which he represents Christians." Indeed, after meeting with Benedict last August, Angela Merkel, Germany's chancellor, who is herself a Protestant, backed a renewed push for a European Union Constitution and one that would explicitly refer to Europe's "Christian values."

    Because Benedict is a theologian, and one whose emphasis is on ancient Christian writings dating before the split among the various forms of Christianity, leaders of the Orthodox churches in Russia, Eastern Europe and Turkey have indicated that they see in him some hope of transcending differences. Benedict is steeped in Christian symbolism and has used it to send signals across these divides, which go under the radar of most people. When he became pope, for example, he adopted a style of palium — a neckpiece — not worn by popes since the first millennium, before the schism between the Eastern and Western churches, which had partly to do with the claim of papal supremacy. "I met in the past six months with Orthodox leaders in Europe," Father Pecklers told me. "And they all commented on that. They said, You have no idea what that meant for us, that symbolic desire to reconcile with us."

    So in the complicated wrestling match involving secularism, Christianity and Islam, some non-Roman Catholic Christians are looking to Benedict for leadership while others are trying to influence him. "One of the things that we are trying to do — the people behind the scenes in Rome — is to encourage the pope to speak more and more about what we might call the world's agenda," Flack said. "The future of the planet, the environment, poverty in Africa and India. How do we cope with rising fundamentalism not just in Islam but all the world religions? We need to hear what he feels about those things, not just internal church issues."

    "How much filth there is in the church and even
    among those who, in the priesthood, ought to belong entirely to him!"

    Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger,
    Stations of the Cross meditation, Good Friday, 2005

    Last month, the pope stood on the balcony of St. Peter's Basilica and exhorted the thousands gathered below for his Saturday greeting that they must pray every day, telling them that prayer is "a question of life or death." It was Benedict speaking, not Ratzinger. As pope, he has focused attention on such matters as the need for Catholics to reconnect with the Virgin Mary, the bodily resurrection of Jesus Christ, and the importance of the liturgy in the Mass — all touchstones of Roman Catholic piety.

    But the church is more than piety. It is undergirded by a network of rules, obedience requirements, punishments and admonitions of which Ratzinger is perhaps the chief modern architect and by a system of protecting its own that is centuries old. If the church fails to realize Benedict's goal of bringing Europe back into the fold and of making itself a mediator between godless secularism and the fervent Islam of many of the Continent's newest residents, what may be the prime reason for that failure was laid out for me by a calmly impassioned 40-year-old man sitting in a boxy, Ikea-style office just off leafy and genteel Merrion Square in Dublin. Colm O'Gorman is the founder and director of a counseling center called One in Four, the ratio referring to the percentage of adults in Ireland said to have suffered sexual abuse as children. Beginning when he was 14 and serving as a choirboy in the rural diocese of Ferns, O'Gorman was repeatedly abused and raped by the local priest. In 1998, he filed a lawsuit against the diocese as a way to get the church to recognize the problem of pedophilic clergy. In 2003, the diocese agreed to pay $325,000 to settle the suit. Meanwhile, as attention built, the Irish government opened a formal inquiry and issued a damning report in 2005. O'Gorman is now a celebrity in Ireland and currently is running for Parliament. The United States is the country with by far the largest number of sex-abuse claims made against Catholic priests, but Ireland has that distinction in Europe, and in both countries the number of priests who have committed sexual crimes on minors has been estimated at 4 percent.

    O'Gorman told me the issue of sex abuse among the Catholic clergy, as big as it is in itself, gets at something even more elemental. Even after years of coverage in the U.S. and Europe, and hundreds of lawsuits and tales of woe, he said: "The Vatican has never, ever accepted responsibility for clerical sexual abuse at all. Never. John Paul talked about his hurt. Benedict talked about his devastation. But the Vatican has never acknowledged that they've failed in their responsibility." While Benedict has said many things on the issue over the years, advocates for victims of abusive priests still rankle over his declaring in 2002 that "I am personally convinced that the constant presence in the press of the sins of Catholic priests, especially in the United States, is a planned campaign." Regarding the longstanding policy of transferring abusive priests to other dioceses, O'Gorman said: "This wasn't some passive benign failure. This was an active approach that was taken to these cases. In my view, there's a system at work in this, and the Vatican is at the heart of it."

    A 2005 survey found that 34 percent of Irish Catholics attend Mass weekly, one of the higher percentages in Europe. But in 1973 the figure was 91 percent, so the decline is actually among the steepest in Europe. As far as O'Gorman is concerned, the connection between the church's handling of the sex-abuse issue and the drop-off in Mass attendance is direct: "For the church to criticize secular society while at the same time not looking in any way at itself — for most people this is a reason they turn away from it. There's a huge credibility problem, and I wonder if they're capable of recognizing how much their currency is devalued. They don't have any moral authority."

    The sex-abuse issue is part of what Hans Küng calls "the long-term structural problems of the church," most of all its hierarchical decision-making process, which has kept church leaders looking out for their own and which ensures a broad gulf between what the cardinals and the pope decree and the way most Catholics live. Like John Paul II, Benedict XVI has shown little interest in reforming some of the basic policies affecting the lives of ordinary Catholics. "We can lament the rising divorce rate, but it's a reality," Pecklers said. "On Sunday mornings, the people in the pews, in Europe or America, are very often divorced or gay or are using birth control. Or else they're not in the pews; they've left the church." As Küng wrote last year, "For as long as the absolute primacy of Rome prevails, the pope will have most of Christianity against him." That may be too strong to apply to Catholics everywhere, but it seems to ring true for Western Europe.

    Benedict may be right that the Catholic Church has a world-historic chance to transform Europe and bring about change. But the church's own strictures could work against that. The paradox may be that for all his stylistic softening as pope, Joseph Ratzinger's own labors through the decades, applying his life experience with such rigor to protecting and preserving the church, are precisely what prevent Europeans from reconnecting with their roots. "Think of the silencing of theologians in recent decades," said Father Reese, the former editor of the Jesuit journal America. "The suppression of discussion and debate. How certain issues become litmus tests for orthodoxy and loyalty. All of these make it very difficult to do the very thing Benedict wants. I wish him well. I want him to succeed. But it seems everything he has done in the past makes it much more difficult to do it."

    Russell Shorto, a contributing writer, frequently covers religion for the magazine. His last article was about the battle over contraception.


    Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company

     

    Wave of Widgets Spreads on the Web


    Entrepreneurs Experiment With Ways to Profit From Web Site, Desktop Gizmos

    By Kim Hart
    Washington Post Staff Writer
    Monday, April 9, 2007; D01

    The standard Internet advertisement is so familiar that most people tune it out: a billboard stripped across the top of a Web site, waiting for consumers to surf by and maybe click on it.

    Now a young generation of online-ad creators are pushing a newer idea: putting a brand on a mini-site so fun or useful -- a video game or a spruced-up calculator or a live sports update -- that people download it, paste it on their personal blogs or social networking sites, use it again and again and share it with friends.

    It's called a widget, an old word for a 21st-century product. And it's what they make at an expanding roster of companies that locally includes Freewebs of Silver Spring and Clearspring Technologies of Arlington -- start-ups founded in the past two years.

    "Advertisers are no longer wanting people to click on a link to buy something," said Haroon Mokhtarzada, Freewebs' 27-year-old founder and chief executive. "Now they're wanting people to engage in a neat product while they build brand equity."

    Though widget technology is too new to be turning a profit, some high-profile investors apparently see the potential. Last month, Clearspring pulled in funding from AOL icons Ted Leonsis, Steve Case and Miles Gilburne along with Bethesda-based Novak Biddle Venture Partners, bringing the company's total financing to $7.5 million. Mark Jung of Fox Interactive Media, which owns a dozen Internet properties including MySpace.com, became chairman of the board. And in one of last year's largest local venture-capital deals, Freewebs got $11 million from Novak Biddle Venture Partners and Core Capital Partners.

    "The new role of companies is not to produce content and spoon-feed it to users," said Hooman Radfar, 25, the founder of Clearspring. "Their new role is to create tools people want and push them out so people can use them however they choose."

    On the screen, most widgets resemble a tiny window on the user's desktop or Web page, similar to picture-in-picture television sets. What they do, and how they promote their clients, varies.

    Purina has created a tiny box that alerts pet owners about good dog-walking weather. Last month, Hewlett-Packard offered a downloadable March Madness scoreboard that continuously pulled down college basketball tournament results. Twentieth Century Fox is promoting "Live Free or Die Hard" with an iTunes player that also blurts out quotes from the movie.

    Such promotions offer advertisers a couple of distinct advantages: Once dragged onto personal Web pages, widgets tend to live on longer than traditional ads -- not necessarily because users care about the brand, but because they like the interactive feature they downloaded it for. And friends who see the widget on someone else's blog or MySpace profile are a self-selecting group of consumers. Much of Clearspring's business is tracking the widgets as they spread across the Internet -- providing its clients with information about a potential customer base.

    At Freewebs, the original business was helping people build their own Web sites. But the founders soon realized they could leverage their 18 million visitors as a launching pad to spread widgets. Now Freewebs has pumped out a Reebok widget that lets you design your own sneaker and a zombie-killing video game to promote the movie "Ghost Rider."

    "This is more about consumption rather than just about publishing on a Web page," said Jonathan Strauss, Yahoo's product manager for widgets. "Advertisers see this as a unique opportunity to have a persistent presence on valuable real estate."

    Yahoo first invested in widgets in 2003 when it worked with the photo-sharing site Flickr to create personalized slide shows that remain on users' desktops or Web sites. In 2005, Yahoo bought Pixoria, a start-up that created the widget maker Konfabulator. Now Yahoo has more than 4,300 widgets in its gallery, including one from Target that counts down the days until Christmas and others that show live webcam views of Hong Kong traffic, Australian beaches and New York City's Greenwich Village.

    Meanwhile, a slew of other widget companies have cropped up, though not everybody uses that word. Blog publisher TypePad now offers "blidgets"; home-page creator PageFlakes lets people incorporate "snippets" into their personalized pages; Netvibes, Snipperoo and YourMinis host widget galleries.

    Apple and Microsoft have desktop tools in the form of constantly updating stock tickers, news feeds and airline schedules. Google says its fastest-growing products are "gadgets" for its personalized start pages, or Web sites that allow users to customize the displayed information.

    Some of the most popular widgets on the Web are made by amateur developers or have user-generated content -- YouTube video screens on Web pages, for example, or Backwards Bush, whose widget counts down the days, hours, minutes and seconds left in the current presidency.

    Chris Seline, founder of District-based Searchles, a social bookmarking site that organizes links, videos and articles for its users, is creating widgets that let people access certain online content without having to visit the actual Web site that provides it. By offering convenience, he said, he keeps his company's name on people's screens.

    "It's contagious," he said. Widgets "are the glue between people and the content they want."

    There are problems, though. Snazzy interactive widgets can guzzle computer resources, which will slow down page loads. Some skeptics say Web sites could become so cluttered with widgets that they cease to be effective.

    Advertisers are leery of paying top dollar for widgets because their influence on consumers is unknown. And the longer a popular widget lives online, the less incentive there is for an advertiser to pay for a new one.

    "Brands need to be where their consumers are," said Eric Weaver, a Seattle branding consultant with the firm Sound Principles. But he said that not all marketers will buy into the widget idea. "It's just one more way to have your brand out there, but it's not going to convert anyone. If I have a pizza-related widget on my desktop, am I going to want to buy everything from Papa John's? Probably not."

    To introduce more advertisers to the idea, Freewebs throws a free widget into every online campaign it designs, so clients can "test the waters," said Christian Cunningham, the company's vice president of advertising.

    A snag in the business model is that no one has quite figured out how to make much money off widgets. Cunningham said he expects a pricing strategy will emerge within the next year as advertisers become more comfortable with the idea.

    "The economy is still being shaped," said Clearspring's Radfar. As in any other online venture, "we have to get volume first, then we'll figure out how to make money."

    The companies may also have to clarify what qualifies as a widget before Internet traffic analyzers, such as Nielsen

    NetRatings and ComScore, monitor their penetration into online communities. Media companies, online retailers and big advertisers often use such measurements to target their audiences. Widget pioneers, however, say the new mode of advertising will make counting page views and unique visitors obsolete, since widgets connect users to content without opening additional browser windows.

    Gregory Dale, chief technology officer at ComScore, said the firm is not yet tracking widgets, "but once anything gets critical mass, it will be measured."

    In the meantime, these widgets -- or gizmos, snippets, doodads or gadgets -- are not replacing the traditional Web sites of the companies promoting them, said Maurice Boissiere, vice president of client services for Clearspring.

    "The point is to see that there's value in the widget itself," he said. "It's the new cash register

    11:53 AM - 0 Comments - 0 Kudos - Add Comment - Edit - Remove

    Today's Papers

    Come Together
    By Barron YoungSmith
    Updated Monday, April 9, 2007, at 7:32 A.M. E.T.

    The Los Angeles Times leads with, the New York Times fronts, USA Today reefers, the Wall Street Journal tops its world-wide newsbox with, and the Washington Post stuffs Muqtada Sadr's call for the Iraqi military to unite with Shiite militias and oppose the occupation. The call stops short of advocating violence but it's a rhetorical shift for Sadr, who has been lying low since the surge began.

    USAT leads with up to $477 billion in Katrina damage claims filed against the Army Corps of Engineers. The WP lead says Bush will renew his call for immigration reform today, but the Democrats are caught in political crosscurrents and are unsure how much they want to help. The NYT leads with Democratic plans to overhaul the alternative minimum tax.

    Sadr's message was distributed at a massive protest marking the fourth anniversary of Saddam's ouster. The NYT, WP, and LAT note Sadr didn't actually call for attacks against Americans, instead asking Shiites to stop fighting each other and demonstrate against the occupation. As the WP says, Sadr has kept his militias in Baghdad quiet since February, but this is a newer, more militant line. Prone to speculation, the NYT thinks it may lead to open confrontation with the United States.

    Alone, the NYT says Sadr's message refers specifically to fighting between Shiite militias and U.S. troops in Diwaniyah. The other papers treat it as a more general call to resistance. Several of the stories hang on the rhetoric: The WSJ and USAT emphasize Sadr calling America "your archenemy" while the WP focuses on him calling us the "great evil." Nevertheless, Sadr hasn't crossed any red lines—in fact, one demonstrator called the protest "a good sign of freedom." Boy, is freedom untidy.

    Everybody notes that 10 U.S. troops were killed over the weekend. The WSJ and LAT say the Senate admits Congress won't stop paying for the war.

    The Army Corps of Engineers is still counting more than 70,000 claims for damages from Hurricane Katrina. The total amount is not yet known, but USAT says the claims already equal about half the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

    The WP says President Bush will ask Congress for an immigration reform package tomorrow. Bush wants to create indefinitely renewable three-year work visas and send illegal immigrants home to reapply if they want green cards. WP and WSJ say Bush can appeal to Republicans by bragging that a recent crackdown has been successful, which it has.

    The WSJ says Bush will ally himself with immigration hawks in the Senate to shore up conservative support. He'll need it: Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., refuses to enforce party discipline and she won't schedule a vote in the House unless Bush rounds up enough Republicans. Caught between pro-immigration Hispanic groups and anti-immigration labor—to name just two concerned parties—the Dems are decidedly uninterested in bending over backward to help the Decider.

    According to the WP, there is no immigration bill pending in the Senate because Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., dropped his sponsorship of the measure derided as "amnesty" by the right. TP guesses it was a little heavy to carry while running.

    The NYT says Democrats are excited to play tax-cutters, eliminating most of the alternative minimum tax, which falls disproportionately on wealthy blue-state voters. Dems don't sound quite as eager make good on their promise to offset the changes with uncomfortable tax hikes, though.

    The WSJ also fronts an Iranian threat to be less helpful in Iraq if the United States doesn't release its Iranian detainees. If Bush is in a tight spot, TP guesses he can give them back as a gift to commemorate June 4—Death of Imam Khomeini Day.

    The NYT goes above the fold with leaks from lawyers who tried Serbia for war atrocities. The Serbian government kept incriminating documents off the record by citing national security concerns. NYT's sources say Serbia would be guilty of genocide if the ICJ hadn't allowed the exemption, which it could have easily done. The Serbian defense team "could not believe our luck" when the court accepted the secrecy request.

    The WP fronts news that YouTube has become a popular tool for Mexican drug cartels. They use the service to recruit, glorify the lifestyle, and post threats—often videos of revenge killings (especially beheadings) set to original music composed by hired balladeers. One such ballad, "To My Enemies," became a posthumous chart-topper in the United States after it sparked a gang war and landed its author in the morgue.

    The LAT fronts the concerns of Rep. Henry Waxman, D-Calif., about the propriety of an RNC-provided e-mail system meant to insulate the White House from charges that it used federal resources for campaigns. As Congress requests e-mail from the system, Republicans are worried about embarrassing revelations.

    An NYT front says that influential high-techies are developing voluntary Internet civility guidelines to reduce the incidence of death threats and baleful anonymous posting behavior. The guidelines can be found here, and here's to hoping.

    And an op-ed in the NYT asks Mitt Romney to stop blurring Mormonism and evangelical traditions. The writer thinks Romney should educate the nation about Mormon beliefs and practices, providing a useful explanation of Mormon belief and practice in the process.

    Barron YoungSmith does research at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

     

    Easter in Common

    April 8, 2007
    Op-Ed Contributor

    More Than an Easter in Common

    TODAY, Eastern Orthodox, Roman Catholic and Protestant Christians have the wonderful opportunity to celebrate Easter together on the same date. To many, that idea might sound natural, since the celebration of Easter speaks to the most central aspect of the Christian faith: the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead.

    Regrettably, though, the phenomenon happens only every few years. Most years, the date of Easter observed by Eastern and Western Christians varies from one to four weeks. The explanation is complex — a matter of calendrical calculations and astronomical applications based upon the lunar cycle. So whenever a common celebration of Easter does occur, it constitutes a true blessing.

    With that in mind, I would like to point out a remarkable occurrence in the history of the long walk toward Christian unity: the visit last November of Pope Benedict XVI, the 264th successor of St. Peter the Apostle, to the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, in Istanbul, at the invitation of Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I, the 270th successor of St. Andrew the Apostle and spiritual leader of the world's Orthodox Christians.

    While historic, this was not the first visit of a pope to the Ecumenical Patriarchate: Pope Paul VI and Pope John Paul II had visited in 1967 and 1979, respectively. (Patriarch Athenagoras, Patriarch Dimitrios and the present Patriarch Bartholomew in turn visited the Vatican several times.) These meetings are important because they offer hope in view of the long and painful history of separation between the Christian Churches, which officially occurred in 1054, the result of historical circumstances, theological differences and misunderstandings.

    The exchange of visits has contributed to a rapprochement of the two churches and to more examination of those things that unite — as well as separate — Roman Catholicism and Orthodoxy. In fact, just two months before the visit of Pope Benedict to Istanbul, the official international dialogue between the Roman Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church had resumed for the first time since 2000.

    That is too long a period of inactivity. But, happily, the dialogue is scheduled to continue with a meeting tentatively planned for Ravenna, Italy, in May. There is a strong possibility that both Pope Benedict and Patriarch Bartholomew will be present.

    Their meeting last November was therefore of much more than symbolic importance. I had the honor to be with the patriarch and the pope throughout the visit, and I witnessed firsthand a genuine atmosphere of mutual understanding and respect. The patriarch and the pope clarified, in a common declaration, that our churches share much in terms of our commitment to safeguard human rights and religious freedom, to protect our natural environment from human harm and to advocate for justice and peace — especially as we are mindful of those who live with poverty, threats of terrorism, war and disease. Because the world's Christian population stands at nearly 33 percent, or 2.1 billion people, our work to alleviate dire conditions is of global significance.

    Our common celebration of Easter this year raises two hopeful perspectives for us to consider: first, the steps that we are taking toward the reconciliation of the churches; and second, the rediscovery of the holy and the sacred in human life and, ultimately, the discovery of the transcendent. Here are two things worth not only considering, but seriously pursuing.

    Demetrios is the archbishop of the Greek Orthodox Church in America.


     

    Britain Says Ex-Captives Can’t Sell Stories

    April 9, 2007

    In Reversal, Britain Says Ex-Captives Can't Sell Stories

    LONDON, April 9 — After howls of protest from former military commanders, opposition politicians and relatives of slain military service members, Britain's defense secretary, Des Browne, today abruptly reversed a decision to allow some of the sailors and marines captured by Iran to sell their stories to the media.

    But the ban came too late to prevent two of the 15 captives, released last week after 13 days, from recounting their experiences in return for payments.

    One of them, Faye Turney, 25, the only woman in the group, said she had been stripped to her underwear, thrown into a tiny cell and given the impression that she was being measured for her coffin. She had also been asked whether she wanted to see her 3-year-old daughter again.

    Another sailor, Arthur Batchelor, 20, the youngest in the group, said he cried himself to sleep after one of the guards "kept flicking my neck with his index finger and thumb," making him think of video-recorded executions of hostages in Iraq. His captors mocked him for his youthful looks, calling him "Mr. Bean" after a comedy character played by British actor Rowan Atkinson.

    The decision to allow the sailors and marines to sell their stories elicited avowals of distaste among many people, even including a former editor of the tabloid The Sun, Kelvin MacKenzie, who called it "a catastrophic error."

    Michael Heseltine, a former defense minister for the opposition Conservative Party, told the BBC: "I have never heard anything so appalling."

    As the debate built to a febrile pitch, Mr. Browne, the defense secretary, said the Royal Navy had faced "a tough call" in permitting people among the former captives to accept payments in exchange for their stories.

    "I want to be sure those charged with these difficult decisions have clear guidance for the future," he said in a statement. "Until that time, no further service personnel will be allowed to talk to the media about their experiences in return for payment."

    "Many strong views on this have been expressed, but I hope people will understand that this was a very tough call, and that the Navy had a duty to support its people," he said. "Nevertheless, all of us who have been involved over the last few days recognize we have not reached a satisfactory outcome."

    The newspapers that paid for stories — The Sun and The Daily Mirror — did not specify how much the amounts involved. Ms. Turney reportedly turned down an offer of around $200,000 for her story and accepted a lower combined offer from The Sun and the ITV television network. Part of the money, she said, would be donated to a charity for her fellow service members aboard the H.M.S. Cornwall, a frigate.

    In The Sun, she was quoted as saying: "One morning I heard the noise of wood sawing and nails being hammered near my cell. I couldn't work out what it was. Then a woman came into my cell to measure me up from head to toe. She shouted the measurements to a man outside. I was convinced they were making my coffin."

    The 15 sailors and marines are at the center of a propaganda contest with Iran, which has broadcast video footage showing them smiling, playing table-tennis and eating together to rebut their insistence that they were held in solitary confinement or blindfolded.

    Ms. Turney told The Sun that she had been separated from the other 14 Briton and told they had been released. "That was my lowest moment," she said. "All I could think was how completely alone I was. They could do anything now and no one would know." Her cell measured 6 foot by 5 foot 8 inches and she counted the 135 bricks in the wall and the 266 circles in the air vents to while away the time between nocturnal interrogation sessions, The Sun reported.

    Ms. Turney was the first of the captives depicted on Iranian television making what her captors depicted as confessions. But she said she refused to divulge operational details about the Royal Navy deployment in the Persian Gulf. "I told them 'How do I know? I'm just the bloody boat driver.' I tried to play the dumb blonde."

    An interrogator said to her: "You don't understand, you must cooperate with us. Do you not want to see your daughter again?"

    She said that on the fifth day of her imprisonment, two new interrogators told her she could be free in two weeks if she agreed to write letters saying she had been in Iranian waters. "If I didn't, they'd put me in jail for espionage and I'd go to jail for several years," she said.

    Some newspaper columnists and retired military officers have criticized the 15 captives for agreeing too easily to concur with Iranian demands for so-called confessions.

    "I decided to take that chance and write in such a way that my unit and my family would know it wasn't the real me," Ms. Turney told The Sun.

    Alan Cowell reported from London, and Graham Bowley from New York.


     

    Army prosecutions of desertion

    Brian Harkin for The New York Times

    Two soldiers in Texas, Ronnie and James, who did not want to be fully identified, are among the Army deserters who are facing courts-martial.

    April 9, 2007

    Army prosecutions of desertion and other unauthorized absences have risen sharply in the last four years, resulting in thousands more negative discharges and prison time for both junior soldiers and combat-tested veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Army records show.

    The increased prosecutions are meant to serve as a deterrent to a growing number of soldiers who are ambivalent about heading — or heading back — to Iraq and may be looking for a way out, several Army lawyers said in interviews. Using courts-martial for these violations, which before 2002 were treated mostly as unpunished nuisances, is a sign that active-duty forces are being stretched to their limits, military lawyers and mental health experts said.

    "They are scraping to get people to go back, and people are worn out," said Dr. Thomas Grieger, a senior Navy psychiatrist. Though there are no current studies to show how combat stress affects desertion rates, Dr. Grieger cited several examples of soldiers absconding or refusing to return to Iraq because of psychiatric reasons brought on by wartime deployments.

    At an Army base in Alaska last year, for example, "there was one guy who literally chopped off his trigger finger with an axe to prevent his deployment," Dr. Grieger said in an interview.

    The Army prosecuted desertion far less often in the late 1990s, when desertions were more frequent, than it does now, when there are comparatively fewer.

    From 2002 through 2006, the average annual rate of Army prosecutions of desertion tripled compared with the five-year period from 1997 to 2001, to roughly 6 percent of deserters, from 2 percent, Army data shows.

    Between these two five-year spans — one prewar and one during wartime — prosecutions for similar crimes, like absence without leave or failing to appear for unit missions, have more than doubled, to an average of 390 per year from an average of 180 per year, Army data shows.

    In total, the Army since 2002 has court-martialed twice as many soldiers for desertion and other unauthorized absences as it did on average each year between 1997 and 2001. Deserters are soldiers who leave a post or fail to show up for an assignment with the intent to stay away. Soldiers considered absent without leave, or AWOL, which presumes they plan to return, are classified as deserters and dropped from a unit's rolls after 30 days.

    Most soldiers who return from unauthorized absences are punished and discharged. Few return to regular duty.

    Officers said the crackdown reflected an awareness by top Army and Defense Department officials that desertions, which occurred among more than 1 percent of the active-duty force in 2000 for the first time since the post-Vietnam era, were in a sustained upswing again after ebbing in 2003, the first year of the Iraq war.

    At the same time, the increase highlights a cycle long known to Army researchers: as the demand for soldiers increases during a war, desertions rise and the Army tends to lower enlistment standards, recruiting more people with questionable backgrounds who are far more likely to become deserters.

    In the 2006 fiscal year, 3,196 soldiers deserted, the Army said, a figure that has been climbing since the 2004 fiscal year, when 2,357 soldiers absconded. In the first quarter of the current fiscal year, which began Oct. 1, 871 soldiers deserted, a rate that, if it stays on pace, would produce 3,484 desertions for the fiscal year, an 8 percent increase over 2006.

    The Army said the desertion rate was within historical norms, and that the surge in prosecutions, which are at the discretion of unit commanders, was not a surprise given the impact that absent soldiers can have during wartime.

    "The nation is at war, and the Army treats the offense of desertion more seriously," Maj. Anne D. Edgecomb, an Army spokeswoman, said. "The Army's leadership will take whatever measures they believe are appropriate if they see a continued upward trend in desertion, in order to maintain the health of the force."

    Army studies and interviews also suggest a link between the rising rate of desertions and the expanding use of moral waivers to recruit people with poor academic records and low-level criminal convictions. At least 1 in 10 deserters surveyed after returning to the Army from 2002 to mid-2004 required a waiver to enter the service, a report by the Army Research Institute found.

    "We're enlisting more dropouts, people with more law violations, lower test scores, more moral issues," said a senior noncommissioned officer involved in Army personnel and recruiting. "We're really scraping the bottom of the barrel trying to get people to join." (Army officials agreed to discuss the issue on the condition that they not be quoted by name.)

    The officer said the Army National Guard last week authorized 34 states and Guam to enlist the lowest-ranking group of eligible recruits, those who scored between 16 and 30 on the armed services aptitude test. Federal law bars recruits who scored lower than 16 from enlisting.

    Desertions, while a chronic problem for the Army, are nowhere near as common as they were at the height of the Vietnam War. From 1968 to 1971, for instance, about 5 percent of enlisted men deserted.

    But the rate of desertion today, after four years of fighting two ground wars, is "being taken much more seriously because we were losing so many soldiers out of the Army that there was a recognized need to attack the problem from a different way," said an Army criminal defense lawyer.

    In interviews, the lawyer and two other Army lawyers each traced the spike in prosecutions to a policy change at the beginning of 2002 that required commanders to welcome back soldiers who deserted or went AWOL.

    Before that, most deserters, who are often young, undistinguished soldiers who have fallen out of favor with their sergeants, were given administrative separations and sent home with other-than-honorable discharges.

    The new policy, ordered by the secretary of the army, effectively eliminated the incentive among squad sergeants to urge returning AWOL soldiers to stay away for at least 30 days, when they would be classified as deserters under the old rules and dropped from the roll.

    But some unit commanders, wary of scrutiny from their superiors, go out of their way to improperly keep deserted soldiers on their rosters, and on the Army's payroll, two officers said in interviews. To counter that, the Army adopted a new policy in January 2005 requiring commanders to formally report absent soldiers within 48 hours.

    Such problems are costly. From October 2000 to February 2002, the Army improperly paid more than $6.6 million to 7,544 soldiers who had deserted or were otherwise absent, according to a July 2006 report by the Government Accountability Office.

    Most deserters list dissatisfaction with Army life or family problems as primary reasons for their absence, and most go AWOL in the United States. But since 2003, 109 soldiers have been convicted of going AWOL or deserting war zones in Iraq or Afghanistan, usually during their scheduled two-week leaves in the United States, Army officials said.

    With the Iraq war in its fifth year, a new subset of deserter is emerging, military doctors and lawyers said: accomplished soldiers who abscond reluctantly, as a result of severe emotional trauma from their battle experiences.

    James, a 26-year-old paratrooper twice deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan, went AWOL in July after being reassigned to Fort Bliss, Tex., an Army post in the mountainous high-desert region near El Paso.

    "The places I was in in Iraq and Afghanistan look exactly like Fort Bliss," said James, who agreed to talk about his case on the condition that his last name not be printed. "It starts messing with your head — 'I'm really back there.' "

    In December, he and another deserter, Ronnie, 28, who also asked that his last name not be used, tried to surrender to the authorities at Fort Bliss. A staff sergeant told them not to bother, James said.

    James and Ronnie, who both have five years of service, suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder and abuse alcohol to self-medicate, said Dr. David M. Walker, a former Air Force psychiatrist who has examined both men.

    With help from lawyers, James and Ronnie returned to Fort Bliss on Tuesday. They were charged with desertion and face courts-martial and possibly a few months in a military brig.

    "If I could stay in the military, get help, that's what I want," said Ronnie, who completed an 18-month combat tour in Kirkuk, Iraq, with the 25th Infantry Division in 2004.

    The Army said combat-related stress had not caused many soldiers to desert.

    Major Edgecomb, the spokeswoman, said more than 80 percent of the past year's deserters had been soldiers for less than three years, and could not have been deployed more than once.

    Morten G. Ender, a sociologist at the United States Military Academy at West Point, said soldiers' decisions to go AWOL or desert might come in response to a family crisis — a threat by a spouse to leave if they deploy again, for instance, or a child-custody battle.

    "It's not just that they don't want to be in a war zone anymore," Dr. Ender said. "We saw that a lot during Vietnam, and we see that a lot in the military now."

     

    Call for Manners in the World of Nasty Blogs

    Darcy Padilla for The New York Times

    From left, Jory Des Jardins, Lisa Stone and Elisa Camahort of BlogHer.org, which follows a code of conduct. That code was the basis for proposed guidelines using seals of approval indicated by logos.

    April 9, 2007

    A Call for Manners in the World of Nasty Blogs

    Is it too late to bring civility to the Web?

    The conversational free-for-all on the Internet known as the blogosphere can be a prickly and unpleasant place. Now, a few high-profile figures in high-tech are proposing a blogger code of conduct to clean up the quality of online discourse.

    Last week, Tim O'Reilly, a conference promoter and book publisher who is credited with coining the term Web 2.0, began working with Jimmy Wales, creator of the communal online encyclopedia Wikipedia, to create a set of guidelines to shape online discussion and debate.

    Chief among the recommendations is that bloggers consider banning anonymous comments left by visitors to their pages and be able to delete threatening or libelous comments without facing cries of censorship.

    A recent outbreak of antagonism among several prominent bloggers "gives us an opportunity to change the level of expectations that people have about what's acceptable online," said Mr. O'Reilly, who posted the preliminary recommendations last week on his company blog (radar.oreilly.com). Mr. Wales then put the proposed guidelines on his company's site (blogging.wikia.com), and is now soliciting comments in the hope of creating consensus around what constitutes civil behavior online.

    Mr. O'Reilly and Mr. Wales talk about creating several sets of guidelines for conduct and seals of approval represented by logos. For example, anonymous writing might be acceptable in one set; in another, it would be discouraged. Under a third set of guidelines, bloggers would pledge to get a second source for any gossip or breaking news they write about.

    Bloggers could then pick a set of principles and post the corresponding badge on their page, to indicate to readers what kind of behavior and dialogue they will engage in and tolerate. The whole system would be voluntary, relying on the community to police itself.

    "If it's a carefully constructed set of principles, it could carry a lot of weight even if not everyone agrees," Mr. Wales said.

    The code of conduct already has some early supporters, including David Weinberger, a well-known blogger (hyperorg.com/blogger) and a fellow at the Berkman Center for Internet and Society at Harvard Law School. "The aim of the code is not to homogenize the Web, but to make clearer the informal rules that are already in place anyway," he said.

    But as with every other electrically charged topic on the Web, finding common ground will be a serious challenge. Some online writers wonder how anyone could persuade even a fraction of the millions of bloggers to embrace one set of standards. Others say that the code smacks of restrictions on free speech.

    Mr. Wales and Mr. O'Reilly were inspired to act after a firestorm erupted late last month in the insular community of dedicated technology bloggers. In an online shouting match that was widely reported, Kathy Sierra, a high-tech book author from Boulder County, Colo., and a friend of Mr. O'Reilly, reported getting death threats that stemmed in part from a dispute over whether it was acceptable to delete the impolitic comments left by visitors to someone's personal Web site.

    Distraught over the threats and manipulated photos of her that were posted on other critical sites — including one that depicted her head next to a noose — Ms. Sierra canceled a speaking appearance at a trade show and asked the local police for help in finding the source of the threats. She also said that she was considering giving up blogging altogether.

    In an interview, she dismissed the argument that cyberbullying is so common that she should overlook it. "I can't believe how many people are saying to me, 'Get a life, this is the Internet,' " she said. "If that's the case, how will we ever recognize a real threat?"

    Ms. Sierra said she supported the new efforts to improve civility on the Web. The police investigation into her case is pending.

    Menacing behavior is certainly not unique to the Internet. But since the Web offers the option of anonymity with no accountability, online conversations are often more prone to decay into ugliness than those in other media.

    Nowadays, those conversations often take place on blogs. At last count, there were 70 million of them, with more than 1.4 million entries being added daily, according to Technorati, a blog-indexing company. For the last decade, these Web journals have offered writers a way to amplify their voices and engage with friends and readers.

    But the same factors that make those unfiltered conversations so compelling, and impossible to replicate in the offline world, also allow them to spin out of control.

    As many female bloggers can attest, women are often targets. Heather Armstrong, a blogger in Salt Lake City who writes publicly about her family (dooce.com), stopped accepting unmoderated comments on her blog two years ago after she found that conversations among visitors consistently devolved into vitriol.

    Since last October, she has also had to deal with an anonymous blogger who maintains a separate site that parodies her writing and has included photos of Ms. Armstrong's daughter, copied from her site.

    Ms. Armstrong tries not to give the site public attention, but concedes that, "At first, it was really difficult to deal with."

    Women are not the only targets of nastiness. For the last four years, Richard Silverstein has advocated for Israeli-Palestinian peace on a blog (richardsilverstein.com) that he maintains from Seattle.

    People who disagree with his politics frequently leave harassing comments on his site. But the situation reached a new low last month, when an anonymous opponent started a blog in Mr. Silverstein's name that included photos of Mr. Silverstein in a pornographic context.

    "I've been assaulted and harassed online for four years," he said. "Most of it I can take in stride. But you just never get used to that level of hatred."

    One public bid to improve the quality of dialogue on the Web came more than a year ago when Mena Trott, a co-founder of the blogging software company Six Apart, proposed elevating civility on the Internet in a speech she gave at a French blog conference. At the event, organizers had placed a large screen on the stage showing instant electronic responses to the speeches from audience members and those who were listening in online.

    As Ms. Trott spoke about improving online conduct, a heckler filled the screen with personal insults. Ms Trott recalled "losing it" during the speech.

    Ms. Trott has scaled back her public writing and now writes a blog for a limited audience of friends and family. "You can't force people to be civil, but you can force yourself into a situation where anonymous trolls are not in your life as much," she said.

    The preliminary recommendations posted by Mr. Wales and Mr. O'Reilly are based in part on a code developed by BlogHer, a network for women designed to give them blogging tools and to guide readers to their pages.

    "Any community that does not make it clear what they are doing, why they are doing it, and who is welcome to join the conversation is at risk of finding it difficult to help guide the conversation later," said Lisa Stone, who created the guidelines and the BlogHer network in 2006 with Elisa Camahort and Jory Des Jardins.

    A subtext of both sets of rules is that bloggers are responsible for everything that appears on their own pages, including comments left by visitors. They say that bloggers should also have the right to delete such comments if they find them profane or abusive.

    That may sound obvious, but many Internet veterans believe that blogs are part of a larger public sphere, and that deleting a visitor's comment amounts to an assault on their right to free speech. It is too early to gauge support for the proposal, but some online commentators are resisting.

    Robert Scoble, a popular technology blogger who stopped blogging for a week in solidarity with Kathy Sierra after her ordeal became public, says the proposed rules "make me feel uncomfortable." He adds, "As a writer, it makes me feel like I live in Iran."

    Mr. O'Reilly said the guidelines were not about censorship. "That is one of the mistakes a lot of people make — believing that uncensored speech is the most free, when in fact, managed civil dialogue is actually the freer speech," he said. "Free speech is enhanced by civility."


    Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company

     

    Two Horses Turning Heads as Derby Nears

    Horsephotos/NTRA

    Cornelio Velasquez riding Nobiz Like Shobiz to victory at the Wood Memorial on Saturday at Aqueduct

    April 9, 2007

    Two Horses Turning Heads as Derby Nears

    Who is the "Big Horse," the 3-year-old who will take the nation's breath away in the Kentucky Derby and, for at least two weeks, conjure thoughts of a Triple Crown? Twenty-seven days from America's most famous horse race, the conversation focuses on two colts: Nobiz Like Shobiz and Street Sense.

    By winning the Grade I Wood Memorial on Saturday at Aqueduct, Nobiz Like Shobiz established himself as a formidable Derby contender. The son of Albert the Great, Nobiz Like Shobiz convincingly dispatched Any Given Saturday, who had given Street Sense all he could handle before losing by a nose last month at the Tampa Bay Derby.

    Nobiz Like Shobiz ran strong and straight down the stretch, something he failed to do in his previous start — a third-place finish in the Fountain of Youth Stakes last month in Florida. His trainer, Barclay Tagg, won the Derby with Funny Cide in 2003 and has prepared his latest contender in traditional fashion.

    Nobiz Like Shobiz has won four of his six races, three of them in graded stakes. His two losses were by three-quarters of a length in last year's Grade I Champagne, and by a half-length in the Fountain of Youth.

    In both instances, troubled trips conspired with Nobiz Like Shobiz's immaturity to give him valid excuses for defeat.

    He is bred to relish the Derby's mile-and-quarter distance, and he has already displayed his stamina by winning twice at a mile and an eighth. Even the rival trainer Todd Pletcher is impressed. He not only beat Nobiz Like Shobiz twice with Scat Daddy, but he will also take at least three other and perhaps as many as five horses to Churchill Downs.

    "That horse has done very little wrong his whole life," he said. "After he won the Holy Bull, everyone kind of talked of him being a megastar. And then he gets beat half a length one start later, and he drops off everyone's list. I thought people were a little quick to overcriticize him."

    In fact, Nobiz Like Shobiz has many fans among horsemen. Shug McGaughey, the trainer of Sightseeing, was "tickled to death" with his colt's late run to finish second behind Nobiz Like Shobiz. Still, he said that he was inclined to skip the Derby, and wait until the summer to throw Sightseeing into top company.

    "I've always been a Nobiz Like Shobiz fan," he said. "My hat is off to him. He ran a great race."

    How talented Street Sense may be is open to debate. He was voted the champion 2-year-old last year on the strength of a record-breaking 10-length victory in the Breeders' Cup Juvenile at Churchill Downs. Still, it was only his second victory in five starts, and many believe Street Sense and his jockey, Calvin Borel, took advantage of the No. 1 post to skim the rail on a surface that had an inside bias all afternoon.

    The son of Street Cry, Street Sense will tackle an extremely tough field next weekend in the Blue Grass Stakes at Keeneland. It will be only his second race as a 3-year-old and his final prep race before the Derby. Sunny's Halo was the last horse to capture the Derby off two preps and that was in 1983. His trainer, Carl Nafzger, won the Derby in 1990 with Unbridled, and he announced his intentions for a light prep schedule at the beginning of the year.

    Last month in the Tampa Bay Derby, Street Sense broke the track record for a mile and a sixteenth, but he was challenged in the stretch by Any Given Saturday.

    That performance was not flattered Saturday, however, when Any Given Saturday turned in a dull effort, finishing three and three-quarter lengths behind Nobiz Like Shobiz in the Wood.

    Still, Any Given Saturday is Derby-bound, though his trainer, Pletcher, said he needed to improve quickly if he was to win the Derby. "We will have to step it up a notch to get it done," he said.

    Nafzger and Borel are not paying attention to any potential rivals. Last week, Street Sense arrived at his home track, Churchill Downs, from Florida and promptly turned in a wickedly fast five-furlong workout in 58 2/5 seconds.

    "He was awesome," Borel said. "The horse is just getting better and better. Carl's got him on the right road, and you just couldn't ask for any better. He did it happy. He galloped out strong, and I really didn't squeeze no buttons or nothing — he was just there for me."

    Nafzger will know Saturday at the Blue Grass if he has Street Sense primed to become the Big Horse on May 5. Tagg, on the other hand, says he has done all he can to prepare Nobiz Like Shobiz.

    It was plenty, too. Tagg added blinkers to help the colt focus. He also stuffed his ears with cotton to eliminate other distractions.

    Now it is simply a matter of keeping Nobiz Like Shobiz healthy, Tagg said, and getting lucky on race day.

    "These horses have to win these races themselves," Tagg said. "I never get overly confident about anything. So many things can happen in a race."


     

    Take a Bow, Loser, the Spotlight’s Yours

    Sara Krulwich/The New York Times

    From dreamers to oddballs: Christine Ebersole, left, as Little Edie and Mary Louise Wilson as Edith Bouvier Beale in "Grey Gardens."

    Dana Edelson/NBC Universal

    In a "Saturday Night Live" spoof, Andy Samberg, center, plays Sanjaya Malakar, the most talked-about "American Idol" contestant

    April 8, 2007

    Take a Bow, Loser, the Spotlight's Yours

    THE career as an opera singer didn't quite pan out. Neither did the marriage. As a mom she was pretty much a washout too, unless you consider keeping your adult daughter caged in a filthy house in East Hampton a mark of accomplishment.

    Her daughter's path through life has not exactly taken her to the heights either. A furtive stab at a life in showbiz fizzled quickly. The fancy fiancé got the heebie-jeebies. Now her single mark of distinction is a flair for repurposing textiles.

    And yet these two hapless, hopeless women, the junior and senior Edith Beales, are ensconced in that generally most sunny and celebratory of entertainment vehicles, an old-school Broadway book musical. Serenading audiences at the Walter Kerr Theater eight times a week, they charm as they disarm in the ballad of wasted lives and blighted hopes that is "Grey Gardens."

    Behold a new face of the Broadway musical, bearing a wry comic grimace that reflects the new mood abroad in America. A country renowned — for good or ill — as the land that enshrined success as a prize to be cherished above all others has lately evinced a sneaky fascination with failure. The losers on "American Idol" are almost as famous as the winners — sometimes more so. Kicked off one contest show, a new-minted pseudo-celebrity becomes a star of the next. Paris Hilton's very pointlessness constitutes the whole of her appeal; no one really wants her to acquire a talent.

    "Grey Gardens," with its tale of vertiginous downward mobility, is a cultural artifact expressing the new mood perfectly. The singing Beales, more lovable in the musical than in the documentary film it is based on, embody the idea that glorying in your freakishness or failure may be healthier — and dammit, more American! — than scurrying from the spotlight in shame.

    Christine Ebersole's loony Little Edie Beale feels just as entitled to our attention as that cousin of hers who did so well. (You know, Jackie Kennedy Onassis?) And after a strange but lively evening in the haunted house of her soul, we cannot but agree.

    Chronicling the lives of losers, flops and failures is of course not an entirely new impulse, for the American theater (see "Death of a Salesman," or anything by Eugene O'Neill) or even the Broadway musical (see anything by Stephen Sondheim). But its subterranean prevalence in the current crop of musicals is an inspiriting sign that audiences may be turning away from the perky escapism, often trimmed in nostalgia, that has been marketed by so many shows of recent vintage. "Grey Gardens" is not outselling "Jersey Boys" by any means, but it is hanging tough.

    And it is not the only current Broadway tenant that reflects a popular affection for story arcs that aren't exactly rainbows of hope. It joins "Avenue Q," a snarky comic ode to the satisfactions of quasi-loserdom in your 20s, and "The 25th Annual Putnam County Spelling Bee," a satiric celebration of misfit teens, on what might be redubbed the Not-So-Great White Way.

    The biggest hit on Broadway, "Wicked," strip-mines the escapist cheer from the "Wizard of Oz" story with determined ruthlessness, glorifying a certain once-reviled green gal in the process. The return of "A Chorus Line," its mood ring permanently glowing with angst, likewise befits the current mood, as does the revival of Mr. Sondheim's study in marital inadequacy, "Company."

    The affection for life's also-rans is equally strong at the moment in the more popular media. Exhibit A in the case for the country's new love affair with flopdom would have to be "American Idol," arguably the most influential showbiz phenomenon of the last decade.

    On the surface this singing contest may appear to be firmly in a triumphalist mode in keeping with the American idea of glorifying the victorious: You too, unprepossessing nobody from nowhere, can be an overnight sensation. And yes, the winner, chosen by fiat of the people themselves, emerges with a recording contract and a future in boldface columns.

    But recall that the template for the show was created in Britain, a nation with a culture deeply suspicious of unqualified success. In the British popular press media stars are shredded like yesterday's newspapers almost immediately after the final blare of their coronation marches has faded.

    This cheerfully merciless attitude pervades the long process by which a winner is selected. In its early stages "American Idol" includes a carnival of the most deplorably deluded contestants, some of whom turn their rejection into an occasion for showboating in the media spotlight. (As those who have seen Ms. Ebersole's mesmerizing performance as the profoundly out-of-touch Little Edie can vouch, in her heyday she would have been a choice selection for this stage in the contest.)

    And it could be argued that failing to win "American Idol" is a far more assured path to national renown than taking the crown. Would Jennifer Hudson have her Oscar if she had not earned a measure of scandalized good will at her early ouster from the show to fuel her post-"Idol" career? Possibly not.

    Noting this insidious trend Stephen Colbert, rabid (mock) upholder of traditional American values on "The Colbert Report," recently admonished the country for "rewarding failure" by putting the debut album of Chris Daughtry at the top of the pop charts. Mr. Daughtry only made it to No. 4 on the show, Mr. Colbert railed, but he's outselling the fellow who made it to the top.

    Now a rebel cult is taking the worship of the talentless even further this season on "American Idol." With Howard Stern, classic high school loser turned winner, leading the charge, a subversive Internet campaign is afoot to elect Sanjaya Malakar, by most accounts the most egregiously awful performer, as the big winner.

    Consider too that the feel-good movie of last year, the multiple Oscar nominee "Little Miss Sunshine," is a miniature epic of deluded ambition. The father of the mousy tot dreaming of a Junior Miss title was a glassy-eyed promoter of the classically American winner-take-all mentality whose thirst for success essentially casts him in the role of the family villain.

    He had to learn that winning isn't everything in today's America; the ethos of the movie argues that winning isn't really anything. Better to be a happy misfit, like the rest of the family, than a soulless success like the scary ambulatory Barbie dolls who actually win kiddie beauty pageants.

    Even the cubicled lives of office drones have gained a foothold in the cultural marketplace lately, via both the sitcom "The Office" and the acclaimed new novel "Then We Came to the End," by Joshua Ferris, about workers in an ad agency fiddling with paper clips as they slouch toward oblivion. It seems everywhere you look in the marketplace of popular entertainment, merit badges are now being bestowed for underachievement.

    Maybe this new mood enshrining failure as the new success is related to the last decade or so of dissatisfaction with the country's ostensible political winners, and the policies they've pursued. But it surely reflects a population embarking on the new century with a perhaps not unhealthy dent in its self-esteem.

    In this context the cheerful escapism retailed by so many Broadway musicals, even of recent vintage, can feel unusually hollow and meaningless. A clear-eyed gaze at the real odds of life can only be salubrious as a correction to the art form's tendency toward unexamined optimism and the mollifying bromide that things will work out for the best.

    The Beales of "Grey Gardens," which has deepened and sharpened in its move to Broadway this season, are peculiarly apt as embodiments of this American bad mood in the 21st century. Their disappointed lives were tangentially connected to the saga of the iconic Kennedys that dominated the most hopeful postwar years of the 20th. At the end of the musical's first act Little Edie is jilted by Joseph Kennedy Jr., who would go on to die heroically in combat in World War II. And Jacqueline Bouvier and her sister, Lee, appear as excited youngsters in thrall to their glamorous cousin.

    In the years in between Acts I and II little Jacqueline grew up to marry John F. Kennedy and become first lady. After her husband's death she burnished his legend by making the comparison between his brief but idealistic reign and the shining nobility of the court of King Arthur. The connecting tissue was of course the Broadway musical "Camelot," which opened shortly after Kennedy was elected to the presidency. Try to imagine a 21st-century musical paying sincere tribute to the tragic but inspiring story of these Kennedys, and your mind goes blank. The macabre Beales somehow speak more captivatingly to the current moment.

    But it is worth making the distinction between a comic but empathetic regard for people mishandled by life — an attitude exemplified by entertainments like "Little Miss Sunshine" and the musical version of "Grey Gardens" — and a similar but nastier impulse in current culture: the raging tide of schadenfreude that drives the pervasive coverage of celebrity meltdowns and mishaps.

    More than a hint of ghoulish malice spices the frenzied attention to the foibles of Britney Spears, Lindsay Lohan and of course Anna Nicole Smith. Before her death from a drug overdose, Ms. Smith had starred in a reality TV series typifying a genre of entertainment deeply saturated in the human need to see that others are faring far worse than ourselves. Watching shows like "The Surreal Life" or "Flavor of Love" or "The Osbournes" can make us feel better about our fameless existences by exposing the pathos and desperation it often seems to leave in its wake.

    "American Idol" and the many contest shows it has helped spawn — from "The Apprentice" to "Project Runway" to "America's Next Top Model" — manage to indulge the impulse to cheer and the impulse to jeer, which probably helps explain their continued popularity. Those who like to watch the transformative power of fame endow a nobody with an instant halo of happiness can take pleasure in it; but so can those who like to watch train wrecks in various media humiliated in front of a national audience.

    When the musical of "Grey Gardens" was first announced, I was apprehensive that it might turn out to be a stage version of those voyeuristic forays into the sad lives of pseudo-celebrities. The 1975 Maysles brothers' documentary that inspired it is a cult favorite, but the camera can be a merciless instrument. The pathos of Little and Big Edie, immured in squalor that is all too crisply captured on film, was for me a little hard to take, colorful characters though they were.

    What saves the musical from being a morbid exercise in secondhand camp is the leavening warmth and feeling its authors, Doug Wright (book), Scott Frankel (music) and Michael Korie (lyrics), bring to the task of chronicling the Beales' unfulfilled lives. Imagining a back story of family strife and disappointment for both the junior and senior Edies, they remind us that life's knocks have a way of warping all of us — even the most privileged — into slight (or sometimes extreme) caricatures of ourselves. In the second act, when the Beales have been transformed into a pair of living ghosts haunting a decaying mansion, the songs they sing open windows into their hearts, softening their gargoylishness.

    As absurd as they appear the Beales are comfortingly human too. Their decline from hopeful dreamers to withdrawn oddballs may be extreme, but it traces in unusually gothic style an arc that shapes many a human journey. The lives we live as adults are rarely in neat accord with the heady dreams of youth. The seismic change that occurs in the fortunes of the Beales while the audience is chatting away merrily at intermission is a sneaky metaphor for the stealthy progress of fate in our own lives.

    Few will leave the theater thinking: Little Edie Beale, c'est moi! But everyone of a certain age (say 30) has probably lived through a few of those startling moments when you take stock of your life as it is and wonder: How did I get here, exactly? When did the curves come that moved me away from one destiny and toward another? I guess it all must have happened during intermission.


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    F1 > Malaysian GP, 2007-04-08 (Sepang International Circuit):

    Scott Speed, Scuderia Toro Rosso, STR02
    F1 > Malaysian GP, 2007-04-08 (Sepang International Circuit): Sunday race

    10:28 AM - 0 Comments - 0 Kudos - Add Comment - Edit - Remove

    F1 > Malaysian GP, 2007-04-08 (Sepang International Circuit):

    Lewis Hamilton and Felipe Massa battle
    F1 > Malaysian GP, 2007-04-08 (Sepang International Circuit): Sunday race
    Image by McLaren

     

    Malaysian GP 2007

    Podium: race winner Fernando Alonso with Lewis Hamilton
    F1 > Malaysian GP, 2007-04-08 (Sepang International Circuit): Sunday race

    Alonso heads McLaren one-two in Malaysian GP

    ..> ..>
    Racing series  F1
    Date 2007-04-08

    By Nikki Reynolds - Motorsport.com

    .. -->McLaren responded to Ferrari's dominance of Australia and this Malaysian Grand Prix weekend with a triumphant one-two race finish, Fernando Alonso leading Lewis Hamilton over the line. McLaren got everything right while Ferrari just couldn't get it together: Kimi Raikkonen was a decent but less-than-expected third and Felipe Massa a disappointing fifth. The victory was McLaren's first since the 2005 Japanese Grand Prix.

    ..> ..>
    ..> ..>
    See large picture
    Podium: race winner Fernando Alonso with Lewis Hamilton and Kimi Raikkonen. Photo by xpb.cc.

    The conditions were, unsurprisingly, hot and humid on Sunday, the track temperature 55C (130F) at the start and yet again there was a possible threat of rain. Overnight downpours meant the track was quite green and most drivers opted to go out on the softer compound tyre.

    Polesitter Massa was quickly overthrown by the McLarens at the start, Alonso leaping into the lead and Hamilton just as quickly dispatching both Ferraris to gain second. Massa was third and Raikkonen fourth, while BMW Sauber's Nick Heidfeld held fifth. Renault's Giancarlo Fisichella made a jump up to eighth and teammate Heikki Kovalainen was not far behind, gaining 10th.

    The second BMW Sauber of Robert Kubica improved one place to sixth and Williams' Nico Rosberg lost one to seventh. The Spykers had a dismal race day, Adrian Sutil spinning off into the gravel after possible contact with the Honda of Jenson Button at the start and Christijan Albers later retired with a jammed gearbox and a copious amount of fire extinguishers in the pits later on.

    "Adrian had a problem at the rear of the car, which caused him to have contact with a Honda through the fourth corner, while Christijan's car got stuck in first gear," said Spyker technical chief Mike Gascoyne. "We're yet to ascertain the reason for the failure, but as he ran at very high revs for a long time to get back to the pits, the exhaust got hot and the bodywork caught fire."

    Toro Rosso's Tonio Liuzzi also had an early problem after contact with the Super Aguri of Takuma Sato and took an unscheduled pit stop. The Red Bull of David Coulthard was up to 12th, Super Aguri's Anthony Davidson to 15th and Button was in 16th. At the front it was Alonso leading from Hamilton, Massa, Raikkonen and Heidfeld.

    Massa was desperately having a go at Hamilton and they went side by side down the pit straight but Hamilton held the Ferrari off. Meanwhile, Raikkonen was equally attacking Massa but not getting past. Massa got the better of Hamilton at turn four then the McLaren man took the position back and Raikkonen had a go at Massa but his teammate held strong.

    Massa was all over Hamilton's car but time and again the young Brit drove defensively enough to keep the Ferrari behind. Finally Massa outdid Hamilton but was too over-enthusiastic about it and spun into the braking zone. Off on the grass, he lost two places and regained the track fifth behind Heidfeld.

    There was an awful lot going on at the front but further down the field Rosberg was harassing Kubica and the second Williams of Alex Wurz was up to 14th after passing Scott Speed's Toro Rosso. Raikkonen was closing on Hamilton but not enough to do anything and Massa was likewise homing in on Heidfeld but equally stuck.

    The first 10 laps seemed to last a lifetime with all the action but eventually it quieted a bit. Kubica started dropping down the field rapidly with his gearbox giving him problems and at the front Alonso was already belting out fastest laps, 13 seconds ahead of Hamilton by lap 15.

    Fisichella and Toyota's Jarno Trulli were scrapping over seventh and as the first round of pit stops approached McLaren boss Ron Dennis was flapping about in the pits with a great deal of vigour. Apparently Alonso's radio link had been lost and the team was not sure if the Spaniard had seen the pit board indicating him to come in.

    Dennis was hanging out pit boards, wrestling with his headphones, jumping about the place as if he'd been plugged into the national grid. It was quite entertaining to watch. Massa was the first of the front-runners to pit, followed by Alonso and Raikkonen. The Ferraris appeared to be fuelled for quite a long middle stint.

    That left Hamilton in the lead and Heidfeld second until they also took their first stops and Alonso returned to the front. Hamilton was flying when he got back on track, over half a second a lap quicker than Alonso but the champion responded and their lap times became more or less the same. Raikkonen was still third, followed by Heidfeld, Massa, Rosberg, Fisichella and Trulli.

    The second round of pit stops started in the midfield and Coulthard was the next retiree with some kind of brake problem. Hamilton was the first of the front runners to stop after being the last in the first round of visits to the pits. He went out on the harder tyre compound and Alonso, Massa and Raikkonen were next to go in.

    Sadly, Rosberg pulled off onto the grass with a currently unknown gremlin, suspected hydraulics. A big shame as he did a really good job this weekend. With the harder tyres Hamilton was not on his previous pace and Raikkonen was closing him down lap after lap. Kubica spun into the gravel then struggled out, his BMW not working at all for him.

    In the final laps Raikkonen was gaining and gaining on Hamilton but just ran out of time. Alonso led his teammate by 17 and a half seconds for the win; McLaren really has responded well to Ferrari's seeming dominance and it was good to see something other than a red car charging off into the distance. And yes, okay, okay, Hamilton is good!

    "To win today after coming second in Australia with my new team is like a dream come true," said Alonso. "I'm so happy and pleased with the progress we as a team have made since we unveiled the MP4-22 in mid-January. We knew the key to victory today was to make a good start and get in front to control the race which we achieved. To have Lewis in second place makes today's result even better."

    Hamilton did an excellent job but it was not easy. "That was the toughest race of my career," he remarked. "I was defending my position for a lot of the time, and I'm so pleased that I managed to keep both Felipe and Kimi behind me. However it was hard work and it was just so hot inside the cockpit. A big thank you to the team who have worked so hard both with the car but also preparing me for the past months."

    It just didn't work out for Ferrari on race day, outdone by the McLarens at the start and never able to gain ground afterwards. Given a few more laps Raikkonen might well have got past Hamilton but we'll never know. Massa has improved greatly from his Sauber days but evidently that little bit of impetuousness is still there.

    "A day of mixed feelings," a grumpy-looking Raikkonen said. "On the one hand I am happy to have picked up six points, on the other, I am disappointed that the race did not live up to my expectations. This weekend we had to make some compromises on the car and that meant we were unable to exploit its full potential."

    After not even making the top 10 in qualifying Renault redeemed itself slightly with a double-points finish, Fisichella sixth and Kovalainen picking up his first ever point in eighth. In between them was Trulli, Toyota again just scraping through to pick up a couple of points. Wurz did a good job but just missed out in ninth and Red Bull's Mark Webber had a rather anonymous afternoon to round off the top 10.

    The Hondas trailed home 11th and 12th with Barrichello and Button respectively and Speed led the Toro Rossos in 14th. Teammate Liuzzi was 17th and the Toyota of Ralf Schumacher 15th. Kubica and his woes eventually crossed the line as the final classified finisher in 18th -- we simply didn't get to see a lot of the midfield and backmarkers to say much about them.

    Once again the focus was on McLaren and Ferrari, with the story reversed from Melbourne. There's only a week until Bahrain and it will be very interesting to see if McLaren can confirm that it has so quickly matched Ferrari's pace. Final top eight classification: Alonso, Hamilton, Raikkonen, Heidfeld, Massa, Fisichella, Trulli, Kovalainen.


     

    Photos for Malaysian GP

    Discuss this article in the Motorsport.com Forums channel: F1

     

    ‘The Sopranos,’

    In the opening episode of the final season of "The Sopranos," Tony celebrates his birthday at a lake house. The first two new episodes are mostly solemn.

    Craig Blankenhorn/HBO

    The Sopranos at home, with A. J.'s new girlfriend and her child

    April 8, 2007
    'The Sopranos,' 1999-2007

    This Thing of Ours, It's Over

    "I'M old, Carm," Tony Soprano says at the beginning of the end on Sunday. This New Jersey mob boss has recovered from last season's shooting but tells Carmela he feels changed: "My body has suffered a trauma it will probably never recover from."

    Death was never the most dreaded thing in "The Sopranos" — decline was. Long before any rival mobsters were beaten, knee-capped or killed, there were wistful intimations of decay. In the opening scene of the premiere episode in 1999, Tony confided to his psychiatrist that he no longer found much satisfaction from work: "Things are trending downward."

    Now they are bottoming out, and as Tony and his people grapple with their sense of impending loss, so are viewers.

    There are nine episodes left, a coda to put the Soprano saga to rest. It's high time of course because even before last season the series had started to sag in places, a creative fatigue that matched the main characters' weariness and also the audience's.

    Now the long-awaited seventh and final season has arrived, and trouble is closing in. Melancholia is spreading just as inexorably as the aches and fatal illnesses that keep knocking down Tony's friends and foes. After his own brush with mortality last season a chastened Tony crashed through spiny thickets of Cosa Nostra ill will to share with a longtime rival the bromide about how people on their deathbed never ask themselves why they didn't put in more hours at work, though he phrased it the Soprano way.

    "Believe me," Tony told Phil Leotardo, lying prone and barely conscious after a heart attack. "Nobody lays on their deathbed wishing they had saved more no-show jobs."

    This season opens with the police at the door, a rapping that prompts Carmela to exclaim, "Is this it?" It isn't, at least not yet. It's a gun possession charge that Tony's lawyer easily sets aside. The arrest doesn't even prevent Tony and Carmela from driving to his sister Janice and brother-in-law Bobby's lake house in upstate New York to celebrate Tony's 47th birthday, and to do some business on the other side of the Canadian border.

    Christopher, meanwhile, is pursuing show business by producing a gangster-slasher film, "Cleaver," that he made with Tony's money. And Johnny Sack, still in prison, has a new set of problems behind bars.

    Sunday's premiere marks the start of the show's valedictory tour, a chance for the actors and the series's creator, David Chase, to show off one last time and for viewers to pay their respects to the family that changed television, mostly for the better. It's not that "The Sopranos" was the only good thing on television, though plenty of fans would say so. But Mr. Chase's take on New Jersey mobsters was certainly groundbreaking — in opposing directions.

    The series lowered the bar on permissible violence, sex and profanity at the same time that it elevated viewers' taste, cultivating an appetite for complexity, wit and cinematic stylishness on a serial drama in which psychological themes flickered and built and faded and reappeared. The best episodes had equal amounts of high and low appeal, an alchemy of artistry and gutter-level blood and gore, all of it leavened with humor.

    Carmela, the most earnest character of all, was often the funniest. At one point she became infatuated with Tony's Italian henchman Furio, and the two shared a lovestruck moment while inspecting the construction work on Furio's new house. "You are a very special woman," Furio told Carmela in a husky undertone. She held his gaze, then broke the spell, saying in her trademark nasal whine, "Have you thought about flooring yet?"

    "The Sopranos," is often praised as the series that definitively bridged pop culture and art. Maybe. It was certainly a gateway drug to television for the elitists who just said no. Some of the same people who used to say they have no time for television can now be heard complaining that they don't have time to watch everything they recorded on DVR. But "The Sopranos" was a revelation only to people who did not realize there was already a lot of very good television available. And not only reruns of "The Honeymooners" or "Saturday Night Live" and Masterpiece Theater.

    Network dramas had already laid the groundwork for HBO almost two decades earlier. "Hill Street Blues" reinvented the cop show much as "St. Elsewhere" transformed the hospital drama in 1982. The first actor brilliantly to portray a charismatic gangster and sociopath on television wasn't James Gandolfini; it was Kevin Spacey in 1987 on the CBS series "Wiseguy."

    David Lynch's surrealistic soap opera, "Twin Peaks," peaked in its first season in 1991, but Mr. Chase has said that show opened his eyes to the medium's potential. And the cable revolution was already in its primacy by the time "The Sopranos" went on the air. "Oz," the HBO series set in a maximum-security prison, began in 1997, while "Sex and the City" made its debut a year later.

    From the beginning the greatest appeal of "The Sopranos" was its context — organized crime as a low-life milieu that attracts high-minded people. Television had never before produced a crime show in which the criminals were the main protagonists, and law-enforcement officials minor characters at the margins of the story. But before Mr. Chase mined his memories of Italian-American New Jersey, Francis Ford Coppola had made the three "Godfather" movies, and Martin Scorsese, with "Goodfellas," had built on a foundation laid by old James Cagney gangster movies. Mr. Chase never forgot that debt. Christopher and his pals referred to Mr. Scorsese as "Marty" and went wild when they spied him going into a gala movie premiere in the first season. A running joke that never failed to crack Tony up was Silvio Dante's impersonation of Al Pacino in "The Godfather: Part III." And when Tony's mother, Livia, died, he ended up in his den watching "Public Enemy."

    Mr. Chase chose to explore the waning days of organized crime, focusing on a lost generation of mobsters who had surrendered territory and influence to newer criminal gangs, been decimated by RICO laws and abandoned the old code of Omerta. Mob malaise was so bad, the boss consulted a psychiatrist who put him on Prozac.

    Early on, the conceit of Italian-American crime families in the twilight of their power was played for mostly for comic effect. The saga stood out in the way it humbled the mafia, even as it exalted its lawlessness, contrasting feral street violence and collapsing crime family values with the most prosaic suburban concerns: — parent-teachers conferences, baked ziti casseroles and shopping at Color Tile. Tony's business pursuits seesawed from high crime — insurance and public-housing fraud — to the ridiculous, like a stolen shipment of provolone.

    Some of the funnier moments, and some of the most shocking, arose from those incongruities. In one of the best episodes Tony took Meadow to Maine for a college tour, and while there discovered an ex-mobster who had entered the witness-protection program after informing on some of Tony's friends. Tony stalked the man and killed him in between father-daughter Kodak moments.

    In another episode Paulie Walnuts took his aged mother and two of her elderly friends to a restaurant and grew indignant when one of the women slipped into her doggie bag a Parker House roll he felt belonged rightfully to his mother. Later he slipped into the old woman's house to steal the savings she stored under her mattress, and when she discovered him, smothered her to death with a pillow.

    Yet no matter how crass or grotesque the context, the strains and strange bonds between mother and son, sister and brother, and husband and wife, were deeply yet delicately mined.

    "The Sopranos" was reliably unpredictable, with subplots that seemed destined to resurface and instead disappeared, like the Russian veteran of the Chechnya war who escaped his would-be killers and ran through the snowy woods.

    And throw-away jokes turned out to have hidden portent. Carmela refused to believe Meadow, her boyfriend Finn and her roommates at Columbia when they tell Carmela that the bullied hero of Melville's "Billy Bud," a class assignment for A. J., has a homosexual subtext. Much later Tony gives Finn a construction job, and the young man ends up being tormented by Vito Spatafore, the closeted gay mobster.

    After a while — certainly after the third season, which included the long and graphic scene of the rape of Tony's psychiatrist, Dr. Melfi — violence lost some of its shock value. For one thing "The Sopranos" emboldened other series to lose their inhibitions. HBO prodded networks to push the limits of sex and violence, though most efforts to create a network "Sopranos" failed. Showtime, however, took more imaginative riffs on the HBO example, with smart, provocative fare like "Weeds" and "Sleeper Cell."

    Not all of the show's influence was to the good. "The Sopranos" can be partly blamed for emboldening ABC to allow so many plotting excesses and drawn-out detours on "Lost," which in turn prompted a surfeit of copycat series, all with huge casts of characters and complicated interlocking story lines that required nothing short of maniacal commitment on the part of viewers. ("Heroes" was the only one to become a bona fide hit.)

    But the main difference between "The Sopranos" and its spawn wasn't prurience, it was ambition. Most shows overreach, or "jump the shark," when they pile on too much melodrama and too many dead bodies. On "The Sopranos" it was the opposite: The show lost its way when it put murders and mischief aside and weighed itself down in ponderous character sketches and too many Bergmanesque dream sequences. Those flights of fancy were not surprising given how often the series was hailed as Shakespearian or Dickensian. Norman Mailer recently called "The Sopranos" the closest thing to the Great American Novel in today's culture.

    Last season was particularly low on whimsy and the playful black humor that was so much a part of the series's charm, and the first two episodes of the final season are mostly solemn and self-serious.

    It's just as well. Way back in the fourth season, when Tony resisted Carmela's pleas that he protect his loved ones' future with some estate planning, she told him to grow up. "Let me tell you something," Carmela snapped. "Everything comes to an end."


     

    Saturday, April 07, 2007

    Malaysian GP

    Massa wins pole for Malaysian GP

    The Sports Network

    Brazilian Felipe Massa edged Fernando Alonso to capture the pole for Sunday's Petronas Malaysian Grand Prix Formula One race. The No.5 Ferrari driver circled the 3.444-mile Sepang Circuit road circuit in one minute, 35.043 seconds.

    The pole victory was Massa's first of the season and third of his F1 career.

    Starting on the front row with Massa will be the two-time World Champion who posted a second-best time of 1:35.310.

    In row two will be Australia GP winner Kimi Raikkonen (1:35.479) and Lewis Hamilton (1:36.045).

    "Without a doubt, this (Malaysia) is the toughest race of the season - not just physically, but mentally too," said 2006 Malaysian Grand Prix winner Giancarlo Fisichella. "The high temperatures and humidity make things very tough for the drivers and the cars too. For me personally, though, there are very good memories from my win last year, and I am prepared for the race this time round."

    Following a workmanlike performance by Ferrari's new driver Raikkonen in winning the season opener in Australia, most of the teams tested at Malaysia last week in preparations for the blazing conditions.

    In addition, Raikkonen was worried about his engine making it all the way through the race.

    "There is some concern," Raikkonen told the official Ferrari website. "We had a slight leakage of water during the last part of the race (in Australia) and the team told me to slow down. Obviously we hope that the engine will make it through the whole weekend."

    In the first knockout qualifying session Rubens Barrichello was among the six who failed to move on along with Adrian Sutil, Christijan Albers, Alex Wurz, Anthony Davidson and American Scott Speed. Alonso was quickest in the session.

    The second session surprise was Fisichella and Heikki Kovalainen in the Renaults failing to qualify for the final knockout competition. Once again, Alonso was the fastest car on the track.

    On the final qualifying lap the pole position changed hands three times. Alonso had the position, but Raikkonen beat his time. Alonso was just behind Raikkonen on the track and he retook the top spot just before Massa collected the pole with his winning lap.

    The race is set to drop the green flag at 3 a.m. (et).

     

    The Sound of One Heart Breaking

    Sara Krulwich/The New York Times

    Vanessa Redgrave as Joan Didion, retelling her memoir in "The Year of Magical Thinking

    March 30, 2007
    THEATER REVIEW | 'THE YEAR OF MAGICAL THINKING'

    The Sound of One Heart Breaking

    The substance is in the silences in "The Year of Magical Thinking," the arresting yet ultimately frustrating new drama starring Vanessa Redgrave that opened last night at the Booth Theater.

    This may seem surprising, given that the author is Joan Didion, who has adapted her extraordinary best-selling memoir about being blindsided by death. As a writer Ms. Didion has a peerless ear for the music of words in motion.

    And this theatrical version of her account of losing her husband and her daughter within two years includes classic Didionesque sentences, as hard and translucent as hailstones. But it is in the quiet between the words, as she tastes and digests what she has said, that Ms. Redgrave — playing a character named Joan Didion — comes closest to capturing Ms. Didion's voice and the delicate layering of harsh feelings that made the book such a stunner.

    When I first read "Magical Thinking," after experiencing the deaths of three people close to me in as many years, I felt I had been given an enchanted mirror, the kind in fairy tales that tells you the truth about yourself. (For the record I have a slight social acquaintance with Ms. Didion.)

    Yet at the Booth Theater I never felt the magnetic pull that I experienced in reading the book. Though the script is by Ms. Didion, with many of its sentences lifted directly from the memoir, I never heard Ms. Didion's voice when Ms. Redgrave was speaking.

    That voice of course is one of the most insistently hypnotic in literature. Try reading Ms. Didion's early novel "Play It As It Lays" in one sitting, and then try not thinking in the spare elliptical patterns of her prose. It's impossible. The easiest choice in bringing "Year" to the stage would have been to ride the rhythms of that style: a controlled voice that, in keeping chaos and terror at bay, reminds us of their inescapable existence.

    The stage version emphasizes the everywoman aspect of Ms. Didion's personal anatomy of grief. Like the book, the play is shaped by the harrowing stories of the death in late 2003 of her husband, the writer John Gregory Dunne, and of the long, baffling illness of their daughter, Quintana, who died in the summer of 2005. (Her death, at 39, which occurred after Ms. Didion had completed her memoir, forms a new final chapter in the play.)

    Ms. Redgrave, in a simple pale skirt and blouse, is an imposing, Cassandra-like creature, a prophetess at a temple of doom where we must all someday arrive.

    Bob Crowley's set (exquisitely accented by Jean Kalman's lighting) is a series of painted drop curtains, suggesting a view of the desert by someone who has stared at the sun for too long.

    Her first words would seem to confirm her oracular status: "This happened on Dec. 30, 2003. That may seem a while ago but it won't when it happens to you. And it will happen to you." There is no equivalent to this admonition in the book. That's because it isn't necessary.

    As Ms. Redgrave continues to slide through the narrator's past and present — from the gray world of hospitals and funeral arrangements to a sunny shared familial past — she gives sharp life to a variety of moods: fury at medical incompetence and evasiveness, passionate maternal solicitude, conspiratorial feyness as she speaks of her belief that her dead husband will come back to her if only she performs the right actions.

    Some moments — yes, silent ones — are remarkable. I have not, for example, been able to erase from my mind Ms. Redgrave's face from an early scene. It's after she, as Ms. Didion, has spoken of seeing her husband silent and slumped in a chair in their apartment at the end of a trying day. "I thought he was making a joke," she says. "Slumping over. Pretending to be dead."

    Ms. Redgrave's expression conveys two levels of consciousness: She is in the moment she has just described, irritated with what she perceives to be an ill-timed joke. And she is in the present tense — still angry with herself and the grotesque cosmic prank she has participated in — because her husband wasn't joking at all.

    In that small second or two Ms. Redgrave's magnificent face, wry and wounded, is the reproachful emblem of the guilt and exasperation that the living so often feel toward the dying and the dead. There is also reflected that disorientation that comes from a death's abrupt way of changing the rules by which you have always lived your life.

    Such moments erupt often enough throughout this production, which is directed with austere eloquence by the playwright David Hare, to raise the show well above the level of an audiotape. Students of acting are advised to buy tickets as close as possible to the stage to observe the presence and craft that allows one woman to hold an audience's attention for 90 uninterrupted minutes.

    But while my eyes never left Ms. Redgrave, I was also never free of a nagging dissatisfaction. I never felt I knew who this woman was. The big emotions register luminously. But do they connect with the portrait of someone who was described on the night of her husband's death by a hospital social worker as "a pretty cool customer"? Much of what Ms. Didion depicts in her book is the state of self-preserving numbness that descends in crisis.

    Ms. Redgrave doesn't do numb. She never seems more naturally herself here than when she is quoting, radiantly, from the medieval poem "Sir Gawain and the Green Knight." As an artist she works on a heroic scale. Ms. Didion is a miniaturist, even when her subjects are vast.

    And though many of the experiences and feelings described are universal, you cannot separate the impact of the book from Ms. Didion's identity as a writer.

    This is an early passage from the memoir: "As a writer, even as a child, long before what I wrote was to be published, I developed a sense that meaning itself was resident in the rhythms of words and sentences and paragraphs, a technique for withholding what it was I thought or believed behind an increasingly impenetrable polish."

    The dynamic in the book arises from the tension between this impenetrable style and the emotions that war with it, that mock its elegant self-containment. That Ms. Didion never abandons those careful, chiseled sentences paradoxically leads us straight to the feelings beneath them.

    When she describes, after a day of trying to keep herself composed and detached, finding to her surprise that she is crying, we know just how she feels. As readers we've been ambushed by a sorrow that was always there but that we were trying to deal with as dispassionately as the narrator.

    That tension has not been translated to the stage. Ms. Redgrave sounds all the emotional notes in the play clearly and articulately in its first sequences, meaning there's no further journey for her to take us on.

    The consolation is that Vanessa Redgrave is Vanessa Redgrave, and she has her own means of plumbing depths. Watch, for example, the attention she gives to a bracelet on her arm, and how she develops it. It will break your heart.

    There is no doubt that she is a great artist. So is Ms. Didion. The problem with "The Year of Magical Thinking" is that their artistry pulls in different directions.

    THE YEAR OF MAGICAL THINKING

    By Joan Didion, based on her memoir; directed by David Hare; sets by Bob Crowley; costumes by Ann Roth; lighting by Jean Kalman; sound by Paul Arditti; production stage manager, Karen Armstrong; associate director, B T McNicholl. Presented by Scott Rudin, Roger Berlind, Debra Black, Daryl Roth and the Shubert Organization, Stuart Thompson and John Barlow, executive producers. At the Booth Theater, 222 West 45th Street, Manhattan; (212) 239-6200. Through Aug. 25. Running time: 1 hour 40 minutes.

    WITH: Vanessa Redgrave (Joan Didion).


     


April 3, 2007

  • Study Raises Possibility of Jewish Tie for Jefferson


    Was Thomas Jefferson the first Jewish president? Researchers studying Jefferson's Y chromosome have found it belongs to a lineage that is rare in Europe but common in the Middle East, raising the possibility that the third president of the United States had a Jewish ancestor many generations ago.

    No biological samples of Jefferson remain, but his Y chromosome, the genetic element that determines maleness, is assumed to be the same as that carried by living descendants of Field Jefferson, his paternal uncle. These relatives donated cells for an inquiry into whether Jefferson had fathered a hidden family with his slave Sally Hemings, a possibility that most historians had scoffed at.

    But researchers reported in 1998 that the Jefferson family chromosome matched perfectly that of a male-line descendant of Eston Hemings, one of Sally Hemings's sons. The genetic evidence was not conclusive by itself but made a strong case combined with the historical evidence that Hemings had indeed become Jefferson's mistress after the death of his wife, Martha.

    Geneticists at the University of Leicester in England, led by Turi E. King and Mark A. Jobling, have now undertaken a survey of the branch or lineage to which Jefferson's Y chromosome belongs. All Y chromosomes fall on branches of a single tree, descended from one man in the ancestral human population. The reason is that all the other potential Adams in this population had Y chromosomes that fell extinct when they had no children or only daughters.

    Jefferson's Y chromosome belongs to the branch designated K2, which is quite rare. It occurs in a few men in Spain and Portugal and is most common in the Middle East and eastern Africa, being carried by about 10 percent of men in Oman and Somalia, the geneticists report in the current issue of The American Journal of Physical Anthropology.

    Puzzled at the lack of K2 Y chromosomes in Britain given that Jefferson's own family traced its origin to Wales, Dr. Jobling's group decided to scan a special population most likely to carry K2 — that of men named Jefferson.

    Of 85 British Jeffersons tested, just two proved to have Y chromosomes of the K2 lineage. The paternal grandfather of one was born in Yorkshire, that of the other in the West Midlands.

    Discovery of these two English members of K2 supports the idea that Thomas Jefferson's recent paternal ancestry is from Britain. Had they not been found, Dr. Jobling's team writes, the geographic distribution of K2 would have made the Middle East seem the most likely origin of Jefferson's family.

    The fact that K2 is common in the Middle East, however, raises the possibility that Jefferson had a Jewish ancestor, Dr. Jobling said. Jewish Y chromosomes resemble those of Middle Eastern peoples, and the Jewish Diaspora is one way Middle Eastern chromosomes entered Europe. But because so little work has been done on the rare K2 lineage, "our research raises the possibility, but doesn't help anyone to answer it either way," Dr. Jobling said.

    Michael Hammer, a geneticist at the University of Arizona, said he had compared the Jefferson Y chromosome with those in his database of Y chromosomes and found close matches with four other individuals. There was a perfect match to the Y chromosome of a Moroccan Jew, and matches that differed by two mutations from another Moroccan Jew, a Kurdish Jew and an Egyptian.

    Dr. Hammer said he would "hazard a guess at Sephardic Jewish ancestry" for Jefferson, although any such interpretation was highly tentative. Sephardic Jews are descendants of those expelled from Spain and Portugal after 1492.

    Bennett Greenspan, president of Family Tree DNA, a DNA-testing service, said that among the 90,000 Y chromosome samples contributed to his database, K2 occurred in 2 percent of Ashkenazim, Jews of Central or Northern European origin, and 3 percent of Sephardim.

    "Whether the non-Jews with K2 are descendants of Jews or come from an earlier migration into Europe is hard to say," Mr. Greenspan said, "but my sense is that it's separate migrations from the Middle East."

    Even if Thomas Jefferson had had a Sephardic Jew in his ancestry in the 15th century, very little of that ancestor's genome would have come down to him along with the Y chromosome, given that in each generation a child inherits only half of each parent's genes.


     
    Brits Behaving Badly

    .A tour of such New York British hangouts as Soho House, the Red Lion, and Tea & Sympathy left the author, an Englishman, blushing: what makes his fellow expats such a thoroughly annoying lot?

    by A. A. Gill April 2007

    Illustrations by André Carrilho.

    This is a true story. A friend of mine, an English girl, moved to New York and, soon after arriving, romantically acquired a local boyfriend. Shortly after that they were both invited to a party. It would be, she was told, fancy-dress. Fancy-dress parties, unlike emotional openness, child care, and pedicures, are one of those inconsequential and nebulous little things that the English take with an infinite, furrowed-browed, death-or-glory seriousness. After many sleepless hours, my friend decided on witty outfits for herself and the boyfriend. After days of construction, they turned up resplendent and a little sweaty as a pair of tomatoes. She had coutured a Gershwin lyric. She was a tomato, he a tomato. (This doesn't really work in print.) It was a tongue-in-taffeta pun. The English simply adore little puns. They were shown into the grand residence and waddled into a room full of Americans wearing black-tie, cocktail frocks, and diamonds. My friend had misunderstood. "Fancy-dress" had meant dress fancy. For any Englishman reading this, stitching a Robin Hood outfit, the American for "fancy-dress" is "costume party." What did you do? I asked my friend. "I laughed and got drunk." That was very British of you. What did the boyfriend do? "He had a bit of a sense-of-humor failure. But we're still friends."

    The British have colonized Manhattan, acquiring minute rent-stabilized apartments in the West Village that they pass on to each other like hereditary titles. It's hard to spot the women—unless they open their mouths. But the British men can be identified by their cropped hair, which they shave to obscure their genetically endemic premature hair loss. They imagine it gives them a street-hard look. Most Americans think they look like gay Marines with deformed ears. They wear their blue jeans like their school shorts—too high and too tight, leaving them with severe moose knuckle. They will occasionally wear items of indigenous clothing—a baseball cap, a plaid work shirt—just to show that they're not tourists. But they wear them with irony. Indeed, Brits are rarely seen in New York without their magic cloaks of invisible irony—they think that, on a fundamental level, their calling here is as irony missionaries. They bless everything and everyone with the little flick quotation marks, that rabbit-ear genuflection of cool, ironic sterility. How often their mocking conversations about the natives return to the amusing truth that New Yorkers have an unbelievable, ridiculous irony deficiency, which ignores the fact that a city that produced Dorothy Parker, Robert Mapplethorpe, Abstract Expressionism, Woody Allen, and Woody Allen's love life has quite enough irony to build the Brooklyn Bridge.

    Why is it that the English continue to get it all so wrong in New York? There is something particularly, peculiarly irritating about the Brits over here. This is a city that's wide open to strangers, lumpy with a homogeneity of schemers and immigrants, yet the Brits manage to remain aloof and apart, the grit in the Vaseline. Those with the voices like broken crockery, the book-at-bedtime accent, have a lot to answer for. The Brits believe that they have a birth-given sincerity and that it's not what you say but how you say it that matters. And that all silly, gullible Yanks, from policemen to society hostesses, will wave us ahead on life's road when we open our euphonious mouth. In fact, most Americans can't tell the difference between Billy Connolly and Russell Crowe, and why on earth should they? If you really, really want to disjoint an Englishman—ruin his day—then just ask him which bit of Australia he's from.

    And then there is the air of patronage, combined with an odor of neediness and a thick-skinned, unembarrassable meanness. "Oh God, have you eaten with the Brits here?" a friend asked me. "They'll book a table for six, and then nine of them turn up. Ask for the check and they'll all have to go to the bathroom or smoke a cigarette or make a phone call, and there'll be one guy left at the table. That'll be the D.A.S.—the Designated American Sucker, who through sheer naked embarrassment will pick up the tab, and suddenly they'll all be back at the table, thanking him with their impeccable manners. This will be the only time they've actually spoken to him, because for the rest of the meal they'll be talking about people who they were at school with, who all have the names of small dogs. If there's no D.A.S., they'll hold an auction over who had the steak and two beers. I'm not kidding. You know what gets me? It's not like they're poor. Not really poor, like lots of immigrants. They just think we're lucky to have them. They walk into a room and imagine it just got classier."

    The British in New York are not good mixers. We hunker together, forming bitchy old boys' and girls' clubs where we complain about and giggle over Americans like nannies talking about difficult, stupid children. An English girl, newly arrived, has been picked up by the expat coven and asked for tea. And rather nonplussed, she says, "It's sad and sort of weird. This is the way our grandparents used to behave in Africa and India."

    New York's grand British club, the social embassy, is Soho House. Go up to the bar on any Thursday night and see the serried, slouched, braying, bitten-nailed ranks of them, all in need of a toothbrush, a cotton bud, and a dermatologist. Nursing beers and a well-thumbed ragged project. They're all here not making a film, not writing a book, not selling a sitcom. Don't tell me about your latest script. You're not a film writer. You're a handyman. You've never made so much as a wedding video. You do a bit of decorating, some plumbing, and you house-sit plants. There's no shame in it. It's what immigrants do.

    In the Red Lion, a bar on Bleecker Street, half a dozen televisions pump out the Rugby match between England and Scotland. It's 9:30 in the morning and the place is packed with geezers and a few chubby-cheeked, ruddy rugger-bugger girls. They're a particularly big-boned, docile, good-natured type, who look like members of some alternative royal-family-pedigree breeding farm. The blokes are necking pints of Guinness and projectile bellowing. It's uncannily like being back in London. The only difference is that half of them are England fans, and half Scotland. If anyone walked into a Scottish bar back home wearing an English accent during this match, they'd leave wearing their nose as an earring. And it strikes me that there's something unreal about this. It looks right and smells right. It even sounds right. But it's not right. They're all playing extras in their own me-in-New-York movie. They're putting on the Britishness as a show. They're going through the motions only because they're here.

    As we kick back into the street, I notice a man in a kilt. For Chrissake, who moves to America and brings a kilt? Did his mother say, "Farewell, son. Make something of yourself in the New World. Have you packed your native costume, just in case?" Just in case of what? Just in case we decide to re-invade Canada? Just in case he finds a girl with a thing for men in frocks with no knickers? Just in case there's an England-versus-Scotland match on the satellite television in some fake pub? Other countries keep their quaint ethnic customs, their special days. But somehow Diwali, Panamanian Martyrs' Day, or Jewish Family Friday Dinner seem quaint and diverse, while a drunk Scots banker in a skirt in the early morning is actually pathetically annoying.

    There is a little parade of adjoining storefronts in the West Village. One sells fish-and-chips. Another is a little café called Tea & Sympathy. The third specializes in English comestibles, the sort of thing that Englishmen abroad are supposed to yearn for: Bird's custard, Marmite, Bovril, Jammie Dodgers. The window looks like a pre-war Ealing Studios film set. Nowhere in Britain has looked remotely like this in living memory. Inside, four young Englishmen from the Midlands are reminiscing over lists of Edwardian boiled sweets, like a spoof of High Fidelity. With an intense reverie, they fold me into the conversation for a balming moment of confectionery nostalgia. "So, Victory V's or aniseed balls? We were just discussing Curlywurly versus Caramac." After we've all had a suck on the humbug of Blighty's tuck box, one of them asks, "Ever tried an American sweet? First time I ate a Hershey's bar, saddest day of my life." I managed to get out just before I turned into Oliver Twist.

    If it were just you that the Brits annoyed, I wouldn't really care. What I mind is that they've re-created this Disney, Dick Van Dyke, um-diddle-diddle-um-diddle-I, merry Britain of childish grub and movie clichés, this Jeeves-and-Wooster place of mockery and snobbery, and I'm implicated, by mouth. Made complicit in this hideous retro-vintage place of Spam, Jam lyrics, bow ties, and buggery. These ex-Brits who have settled in the rent-stabilized margins of Manhattan aren't our brightest and our best—they are our remittance men, paid to leave. Not like the other immigrants, who made it here as the cleverest, most adventurous in the village. What you get are our failures and fantasists. The freshly redundant. The exposed and embittered. No matter how long they stay here, they don't mellow, their consonants don't soften. They don't relax into being another local. They become ever more English. Über-Brits. Spiteful, prickly things in worn tweed, clutching crossword puzzles, gritting their Elizabethan teeth, soup-spotted, tomb-breathed, loud and deaf. The most reprehensible and disgusting of all human things; the self-made, knowing English eccentric. Eccentricity is the last resort of the expat. The petit fou excuse for rudeness, hopelessness, self-obsession, failure, and never, ever picking up the check.

    A.A. Gill is a V.F. contributing editor and author of A.A. Gill Is Away (Simon & Schuster

     
    The discovery of a previously unknown treasure chest of e-mails

    story image

    Follow the e-mails

    The discovery of a previously unknown treasure chest of e-mails buried by the Bush administration may prove to be as informative as Nixon's secret White House tapes.

    By Sidney Blumenthal

    Mar. 29, 2007 | The rise and fall of the Bush presidency has had four phases: the befuddled period of steady political decline during the president's first nine months; the high tide of hubris from Sept. 11, 2001, through the 2004 election; the self-destructive overreaching to consolidate a one-party state from 2005 to 2006, culminating in the repudiation of the Republican Congress; and, now, the terminal stage, the great unraveling, as the Democratic Congress works to uncover the abuses of the previous six years.

    Richard Nixon and George W. Bush both invoked secrecy for national security. Both insisted war -- the war in Vietnam, the war on terror -- justified impunity. And both offered the reason of secrecy to cover political power grabs.

    In Watergate, "Deep Throat" counseled that the royal road to the scandal's source was to "follow the money." In the proliferating scandals of the Bush presidency, Congress is searching down a trail of records that did not exist in the time of Nixon: Follow the e-mails.

    The discovery of a hitherto unknown treasure-trove of e-mails buried by the Bush White House may prove to be as informative as Nixon's secret White House tapes. Last week the National Journal disclosed that Karl Rove does "about 95 percent" of his e-mails outside the White House system, instead using a Republican National Committee account. What's more, Rove doesn't tap most of his messages on a White House computer, but rather on a BlackBerry provided by the RNC. By this method, Rove and other White House aides evade the legally required archiving of official e-mails. The first glimmer of this dodge appeared in a small item buried in a January 2004 issue of U.S. News & World Report: "'I don't want my E-mail made public,' said one insider. As a result, many aides have shifted to Internet E-mail instead of the White House system. 'It's Yahoo!, baby,' says a Bushie."

    The offshoring of White House records via RNC e-mails became apparent when an RNC domain, gwb43.com (referring to George W. Bush, 43rd president), turned up in a batch of e-mails the White House gave to House and Senate committees earlier this month. Rove's deputy, Scott Jennings, former Bush legal counsel Harriet Miers and her deputies strangely had used gwb43.com as an e-mail domain.

    The production of these e-mails to Congress was a kind of slip. In its tense negotiations with lawmakers, the White House has steadfastly refused to give Congress e-mails other than those between the White House and the Justice Department or the White House and Congress. E-mails among presidential aides have been withheld under the claim of executive privilege.

    When I worked in the Clinton White House, people brought in their personal computers if they were engaged in any campaign work, but all official transactions had to be done within the White House system as stipulated by the Presidential Records Act of 1978. (The PRA requires that "the President shall take all such steps as may be necessary to assure that the activities, deliberations, decisions, and policies that reflect the performance of his constitutional, statutory, or other official or ceremonial duties are adequately documented and that such records are maintained as Presidential records.") Having forsaken the use of Executive Office of the President e-mail, executive privilege has been sacrificed. Moreover, Rove's and the others' practice may not be legal.

    The revelation of the gwb43 e-mails illuminates the widespread exploitation of nongovernmental e-mail by Bush White House officials, which initially surfaced in the investigations and trial of convicted Republican super-lobbyist Jack Abramoff. Susan Ralston, Abramoff's former personal assistant and then executive assistant to Rove, who served as the liaison between the two men in their constant dealings, used "georgewbush.com" and "rnchq.org" e-mail accounts to communicate with Abramoff between 2001 and 2003. In one of her e-mails, Ralston cautioned that "it is better to not put this stuff in writing in [the White House] ... email system because it might actually limit what they can do to help us, especially since there could be lawsuits, etc." Abramoff replied: "Dammit. It was sent to Susan on her rnc pager and was not supposed to go into the WH system."

    The Ralston e-mails were not fully appreciated as a clue to the vast cache of hidden e-mails at the time the Justice Department's inspector general conducted a probe into whether Abramoff had been involved in the firing of the U.S. attorney in Guam in 2002. That prosecutor, Frederick Black, who had been appointed by George H.W. Bush and served for 10 years, had opened an investigation into the $324,000 in secret payments Abramoff received from the Guam Superior Court to lobby in Washington against court reform. The day after Black subpoenaed Abramoff's contract, he was fired. In a 2006 report, the I.G. found no criminal wrongdoing -- but he did not have access to the nongovernmental e-mails (i.e., those sent outside the official White House system). Now, the I.G. may have cause to reopen his case.

    Under the RNC's gwb43.com domain a myriad of e-mail accounts flourish, including the ones used by Rove's office to conduct his business with Abramoff. Among these accounts are ones for Republican Senate campaigns, for RepublicanVictoryTeam.com and the like, and, curiously, for ScooterLibby.com. The latter e-mail account serves the Web site of the defense fund of Vice President Cheney's former chief of staff, convicted of perjury and obstruction of justice. ScooterLibby.com amounts to an in-kind contribution from the RNC.

    On Monday, Rep. Henry Waxman, D-Calif., chairman of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, sent letters to RNC officials demanding that they preserve the White House e-mails sent on RNC accounts. "The e-mail exchanges reviewed by the Committee provide evidence that in some instances, White House officials were using the nongovernmental accounts specifically to avoid creating a record of the communications," he wrote. "What assurance can the RNC provide the Committee," he asked, "that no e-mails involving official White House business have been destroyed or altered?"

    Even as the Bush administration withholds evidence that would allow Congress to fulfill its obligation of oversight, administration officials are having difficulty keeping their stories straight. The release of each new batch of e-mails forces them to scramble for new alibis.

    On March 12, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee that he had nothing to do with the dismissal of eight U.S. attorneys late last year. How they happened to be removed remained a mystery to him. "I was not involved in seeing any memos, was not involved in any discussions about what was going on," he said. But e-mails released last week show that he was informed of the plan twice in late 2006. In fact, on Nov. 27, 2006, he met with at least five senior Justice Department officials to finalize a "five-step plan for carrying out the firings of the prosecutors." With the appearance of the incriminating e-mails, Gonzales' spokespeople have been sent out to tell the press that there is "no inconsistency," a brazen assertion of the Groucho Marx defense: Who are you going to believe, me or your lying eyes?

    Despite the resignation of Gonzales' chief of staff and counselor, Kyle Sampson, on March 12, another fall guy has emerged, Deputy Attorney General Paul McNulty. On Jan. 18, Gonzales testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee, presenting a public explanation that politics had nothing to do with the U.S. attorney firings -- "we would never, ever make a change in the U.S. attorney position for political reasons" -- and private assurances to Republican senators that they were dismissed for disagreements over policy.

    Three weeks later, McNulty appeared before the committee, contradicting his boss, explaining that the U.S. attorneys were fired for "performance-related" reasons. Then he admitted that the U.S. attorney for Arkansas, H.E. "Bud" Cummins, was being replaced by a Rove protégé, Tim Griffin. McNulty's testimony incited the U.S. attorneys to defend their reputations, agitated the Democrats to ferret out the underlying political motives and forced the administration to react with a spray of excuses.

    On Monday, the administration leaked an e-mail to ABC News in an attempt to blame the entire scandal on McNulty. "McNulty's testimony directly conflicted with the approach Miers advised, according to an unreleased internal White House e-mail described to ABC News," it reported. "According to that e-mail, sources said, Miers said the administration should take the firm position that it would not comment on personnel issues." The leak fit the administration scenario that the U.S. attorneys scandal was nothing but a P.R. mistake -- and now McNulty was the one fingered as the culprit. But in trying to shift blame the leaking of the e-mail would seem to undercut the White House's claim of executive privilege that it cannot give internal communications to Congress.

    Also on Monday Gonzales' senior counselor and White House liaison, Monica Goodling, invoked the Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination in her refusal to testify before the Senate. (Goodling, who graduated from law school in 1999, is one of the highest-ranking officials in the Department of Justice. Her doctor of jurisprudence degree comes from Regent University, founded by the Rev. Pat Robertson. Its Web site boasts that it has "150 graduates serving in the Bush Administration." Perhaps not coincidentally, Kay Coles James, a former Regent University dean, was director of the U.S. Office of Personnel Management from 2001 to 2005.)

    Goodling's lawyer's extraordinarily argumentative letter explaining her silence accused "certain members" of the committee of "already" having "reached conclusions about the affair"; stated that the inquiry is "being used to promote a political party" and that it lacks a "legitimate reason ... basic fairness ... objectivity"; and stated that an unnamed "senior Department of Justice official" had told Sen. Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., that he was "not entirely candid" to the committee because "our client did not inform him of certain pertinent facts."

    McNulty, of course, is that official. As Goodling's lawyer's letter reveals, he is refusing to go gently into that good night and declining to cooperate with the latest cover story. Hence, she is taking the Fifth, perhaps more because she doesn't know what story to tell than because she might face a perjury trap before the committee. So the fall gal blames the fall guy.

    As Congress extends its oversight, President Bush stiffens his resistance. He treats the Democratic Congress as basically illegitimate. He reacts to every assertion of oversight as an invasion of presidential prerogative. Not only does he reject compromise and negotiation, but he also transforms every point of difference into a conflict over first principles, even as every new disclosure reveals his purely political motivation.

    Bush's radicalism becomes more fervent as he becomes more embattled, and separates him from presidents past. Richard Nixon compromised regularly with a Democratic Congress, even as he secretly laid the foundation of an imperial presidency, his unfinished project left in ruins after the Watergate scandal. Ronald Reagan, the old union leader, president of the Screen Actors Guild, stood resolutely on his convictions until the better part of political valor led him to cut a deal, as he did when he abandoned his long-held belief in privatizing Social Security, conceding his supposedly inviolate ground to Speaker Tip O'Neill, and happily proclaiming the pact afterward. George H.W. Bush, a former congressman with many friends across the aisle, famously jettisoned his tenuous conservative bona fides as Reagan's heir, a credo he embraced in his 1988 acceptance speech before the Republican National Convention -- "Read my lips: no new taxes" -- when, anxious about the expanding deficit, he cut a deal with the Democratic leadership to lower it through tax increases.

    The Republican right's excoriation of the elder Bush's betrayal, rather than his overriding sense of responsibility, was the lesson learned by the son. His imperative to avoid making enemies on the right is compounded into his larger notion of an unfettered presidency.

    For six years, Bush had a Republican Congress whipped into obedience -- and it provided him his only experience in legislative affairs. The rise of the Democratic Congress, reviving the powers of oversight and investigation, is a shock to his system. But he is not without an understanding of his changed circumstances. Bush sees the new Congress as the same beast that ensnared his father in fatal compromise and as a monstrous threat to the imperial presidency he has spent six years carefully building.

    As the return of oversight suddenly exposes pervasive corruption throughout the executive branch, Bush struggles against Congress as though it were an alien force. Bush has no sense that the Framers, wary of the concentration of power in the executive, deliberately established the powers of the Congress in Article I of the Constitution and those of the president in Article II. Once again he straps on his armor and clasps his shield. His defense of secrecy, executive fiat and one-party rule has become his battle of Thermopylae.

     
    Gospel according to Judas

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    The recently unearthed Gospel of Judas "contradicts everything we know about Christianity," says religious historian Elaine Pagels.

    By Steve Paulson

    Apr. 02, 2007 | As almost every child knows, Judas was the disciple who betrayed Jesus, selling his life for 30 pieces of silver. If there's an arch villain in the story of Jesus, it's Judas Iscariot. Or is it? The newly discovered Gospel of Judas suggests that Judas was, in fact, the favorite disciple, the only one Jesus trusted to carry out his final command to hand him over to the Romans.

    Rumors about the gospel have circulated for centuries. Early church fathers called it a "very dangerous, blasphemous, horrendous gospel," according to historian Elaine Pagels. We now know that the manuscript was passed around the shadowy world of antiquities dealers, at one point sitting in a safe deposit box in a small town in New York for 17 years. Pagels herself was once asked by a dealer in Cleveland to examine it, but he only showed her the last few pages, which revealed little more than the title page. She assumed there was nothing of significance. Finally, the manuscript was acquired by the National Geographic Society, which hired Pagels as a consultant to study it.

    More than any other scholar, Pagels has brought the lost texts of early Christianity to public attention. A Princeton historian of religion, she wrote the 1979 bestseller "The Gnostic Gospels" -- the book that launched the popular fascination with the Nag Hammadi manuscripts found by Egyptian peasants in 1945. That book, which won both the National Book Award and the National Book Critics Circle Award, was later chosen by the Modern Library as one of the 100 best nonfiction books of the 20th century. Pagels went on to write a series of acclaimed books about early Christianity and, along the way, recounted her own personal tragedies -- her young son's death after a long illness and, just a year later, her first husband's death in a hiking accident. It's no surprise that Pagels has felt compelled to wrestle with some of religion's thorniest subjects, like how to make sense of suffering and evil.

    For much of her career, Pagels has straddled two worlds -- the academic and the popular. She's often the go-to expert when a magazine needs a comment on the latest theory about Mary Magdalene or some other bit of revisionist Christian history. But her standing among the scholars who study early Christianity is more complicated. Conservative scholars tend to dismiss the Gnostic texts as a footnote in Christian history, hardly worth all the hype that's been generated by "The Da Vinci Code" and other racy stories. Not surprisingly, these scholars have questioned Pagels' interpretations of early Christian texts.

    With Harvard historian Karen L. King, Pagels has written a new book, "Reading Judas: The Gospel of Judas and the Shaping of Christianity." The authors argue that this recently discovered gospel offers a new understanding of the death of Jesus. I spoke with Pagels by phone about the bitter quarrels among early Christians, why it's a bad idea to read the Bible literally, and the importance of this new discovery.

    When was the Gospel of Judas written?

    As far we can tell, probably at the end of the first or early second century.

    So it's clearly not written by Judas himself, or even dictated by Judas.

    That's right. And most New Testament scholars would say the gospels in the New Testament -- all of them attributed to disciples or followers of disciples -- were probably not written by the people whose names are on them. If you say, "the Gospel according to Matthew," you might not be pretending to be Matthew if you wrote it. You might be saying, this is the gospel the way Matthew taught it, and he was my teacher. So these are certain followers of Jesus who collected and transmitted his teaching.

    Does this Gospel of Judas reveal something new about early Christianity?

    Yes, the Gospel of Judas really has been a surprise in many ways. For one thing, there's no other text that suggests that Judas Iscariot was an intimate, trusted disciple, one to whom Jesus revealed the secrets of the kingdom, and that conversely, the other disciples were misunderstanding what he meant by the gospel. So that's quite startling.

    It's shocking to suggest that Judas wasn't just one of the disciples but was actually the favorite disciple of Jesus.

    That's right. And also the idea that he handed over Jesus to be arrested at the orders of Jesus himself. This wasn't a betrayal at all. In fact, it was obedience to a command or request that Jesus had made.

    But how do we reconcile this with all the other stories we've ever heard about Judas? He's the symbol of treachery and betrayal.

    Well, he has become the symbol of treachery and betrayal. But once you start to look at the gospels one by one, you realize that followers of Jesus were trying to understand what had happened after he was arrested and killed. They knew Judas had handed him over to the people who arrested him. The earliest gospel, Mark, says Judas handed him over, but it doesn't give any motive at all. The people who wrote after Mark -- Matthew's and Luke's gospels -- apparently felt that what was wrong with the Gospel of Mark was that there was no motive. So Matthew adds a motive. Matthew says Judas went to the chief priests who were Jesus' enemies, and said, "What will you give me if I hand him over to you?" And they agree on a certain sum of money. So in Matthew's view, the motive was greed. In Luke's gospel, it's entirely different. It says the power of evil took over Judas. Satan entered into him.

    I think Luke is struggling with the question, If Jesus is the son of God, how could he be taken by a mere trick, by a human being? And Luke is trying to show that all evil power was concentrated in Judas. So they are very different stories. However, other gospels, like John's, suggest that Jesus not only anticipated what was going to happen but initiated it. The Gospel of John says that he told Judas to go out and do what he had to do, which Jesus knew was to betray him. So the Gospel of Judas just takes the suggestion one step further. Jesus not only knew what was going to happen but initiated the action.

    There's something else that's striking about the Gospel of Judas. The writer is very angry, and he's especially angry at the other disciples.

    Yes, that's where we realized that it's not just a story about Jesus and the disciples. It's a story about this follower of Jesus -- the Christian who's writing this story, maybe 60 years after the death of Jesus. Even using the name of Judas is a slap in the face to the tradition. You realize that whoever wrote it was a very angry person. And we were asking, What's going on here? Why is he so angry? And we discovered that it's very dangerous to be a follower of Jesus in the generations after his death. You know, they say his disciple Peter was crucified upside down. And Paul was probably beheaded by the Romans. James was lynched by a crowd, and so were Stephen and other followers. So leaders of this movement were in great danger. And other Christians were also in danger of being arrested and killed because they followed Jesus. The question for many of them was, What do you do if you're arrested?

    And to acknowledge that you were a Christian would probably kill you.

    Exactly. All you had to do is say no. Or you can try to escape or bribe the people persecuting you. And many did. The only answer that most Christians agreed was right was to say, "Yes, I'm a Christian." You defy them and you go heroically into the lions. So we've always thought of Christianity as a religion that glorifies martyrdom. Now we realize that we've had that impression because the people who weren't in favor of martyrdom had their writings buried and burned and trashed and ridiculed. And they were called cowards and heretics.

    So the Gospel of Judas is a kind of protest literature. It's challenging leaders of the church. Here the leaders are personified as disciples who are encouraging people to get killed, to "die for God," as they called martyrdom. This gospel is challenging them and saying, when you encourage young people to die for God, you're really complicit in murder.

    Are there also theological issues at stake? This gets at the meaning of suffering, and the nature of evil as well.

    It does. This was at a time when all followers of Jesus were struggling with the question, Why did Jesus die? What does it all mean? In the New Testament, the gospels say he died as a sacrifice. Paul says Christ, our Passover lamb, was sacrificed for us. Why? Well, to save us from sin.

    But this author is saying, wait a minute. If you think God wants his son to be tortured and killed before he'll forgive people their sins, what kind of God do you have in mind? Is this the God who didn't want animals to be sacrificed in the temple anymore? So this author's asking, isn't God a loving father? Isn't that what Jesus taught? Why are we saying that God requires his son to die for the sins of the world? So it's a challenge to the whole idea of atonement, and the idea that Christians -- when they worship -- eat bread and drink wine as if it were the body and blood of Christ. This person sees that whole thing as a celebration of violence.

    You can see why some early Christians would have attacked this gospel. This is very threatening to other Christian accounts of why Jesus died.

    It contradicts everything we know about Christianity. But there's a lot we don't know about Christianity. There are different ways of understanding the death of Jesus that have been buried and suppressed. This author suggests that God does not require sacrifice to forgive sin, and that the message of Jesus is that we come from God and we go back to God, that we all live in God. It's not about bloody sacrifice for forgiveness of sins. It suggests that Jesus' death demonstrates that, essentially and spiritually, we're not our bodies. Even when our bodies die, we go to live in God.

    Does this raise questions about how we should think about the Resurrection? In orthodox Christian accounts, this is considered a resurrection of the flesh.

    That's right. The idea that Jesus rose in the flesh is very important for a lot of Christians. And certainly for the martyrs. When people were going to get themselves killed, some of them were asked, Do you believe that you're going to be raised from the dead in your body? And many of them said yes, of course we do. That's why we're doing this. So those promises of bodily resurrection and heavenly rewards were very important for many Christians.

    Some of the things we're talking about would seem to have great resonance in the Islamic world. Do you see any parallels between this Christian history and what we're seeing among Muslim martyrs today?

    I do. The author of the Gospel of Judas wasn't against martyrdom, and he didn't ever insult the martyrs. He said it's one thing to die for God if you have to do that. But it's another thing to say that's what God wants, that this is a glorification of God. I think he would have spoken in the way that an imam might today, saying those who encourage young people to go out and supposedly die for God as martyrs are complicit in murder. The question of the uses of violence is very much at the heart of the Gospel of Judas. If you have to die as a martyr, you do because you don't deny Christ. But you don't go around encouraging people to do it as though they would get higher rewards in heaven.

    Can you put the Gospel of Judas in perspective, alongside some of the other Gnostic texts that have come to light in recent decades -- the Gospel of Thomas, the Gospel of Mary Magdalene? Do these really change our understanding of early Christianity?

    Before, we had a puzzle with just a few pieces. Now we have many more pieces. We begin to see that in the early Christian movement, people discussed and struggled with all the issues that we now think of as normative Christianity, like, What does the death of Jesus mean? There wasn't one kind of understanding of Jesus in the early Christian movement. Actually, there were many.

    In recent years, there's been a huge debate over what to make of the Gnostic Gospels. And plenty of Christian scholars and theologians say there's good reason they were not admitted into the Christian canon. They say the Bible presents the most reliable story of Jesus based on eyewitness accounts. For instance, Ben Witherington has written, "The four canonical gospels have stood the test of time and other apocryphal gospels and texts have not ... This is because the canonical gospels are our earliest gospels and have actual historical substance, while the later gospels have none."

    Well, Witherington has a particular point of view to prove. I would say it's very hard to date these other texts. Some of them are as early as the gospels of the New Testament, like the Gospel of John. But what's different is the emphasis. Let me give you an example. The Gospel of Thomas says that all who recognize that they come from God are also children of God, instead of teaching that Jesus is the only son of God through whom one must be saved. It's a teaching that is akin to what the Quakers and some other Christian groups teach, including some Greek and Russian Orthodox groups. The divine is to be found in everyone, and we can discover, at some level, that we're like Christ. It's not a complete contradiction, but it is somewhat different.

    But aren't there crucial doctrinal issues at stake in terms of what it means to be a Christian? For instance, was Jesus the son of God? Was the return of Jesus an actual resurrection of the flesh?

    In the fourth century, the Council of Nicaea established certain doctrines about what it means to be orthodox: belief in one God, maker of heaven and earth, and one Jesus Christ, his only son and Lord. So Jesus Christ is the only one who brings salvation to the whole world. There are, of course, Christians who believe in Jesus but also wonder whether people can't find God in other religions -- if they're Jews or Muslims or Buddhists and so forth. There's nothing Jesus himself said that contradicts that, as far as I can see. But fourth-century Christian orthodoxy did set out the doctrines you're talking about.

    Some people say the historical study of early Christianity really doesn't matter to a person's faith. Being a Christian means you believe in certain things, like the Resurrection, like the Virgin Birth. These are matters of faith, not of historical research. You can choose not to believe those things, but then you're not part of the Christian creed. How do you respond to that argument?

    Well, it's absolutely true that the Virgin Birth and the Resurrection can't be verified historically. On the other hand, if you start to look at it historically, you find out that there are plenty of people who call themselves Christians who see those very things differently. There have been Christians from the beginning -- St. Paul is one of them -- who say the Resurrection is not a matter of this kind of body. Paul talks about resurrection as a matter of being transformed. Yes, it's about the body, he said, but it's more like a body of the stars or the moon or the sun -- a body of light. So there are many ways that people have understood themselves to be Christians.

    This has huge implications for so many people today, especially those who simply can't accept these kinds of miracles. It does raise the question of whether you can be a Christian if you don't believe any of the Bible's supernatural stories.

    I don't think you have to discard all the supernatural stories. The Bible is really about what is beyond the natural. But there are other ways of understanding. For example, the Gospel of Philip, which some people called a heretical text, actually says Jesus had human parents as you and I do. His parents were Mary and Joseph. But when he was born of the spirit, he became the son of the Heavenly Father and the Holy Spirit. In Syriac and Hebrew, the spirit is spoken of in feminine forms, so metaphorically, one could speak of her as a divine mother, just as one speaks of God as a divine father. So there are Christians who didn't reject the Virgin Birth, but said wait a minute, why would you take it literally? Why don't you take it as an image for spiritual reality?

    You have spent decades studying early Christian history. Do you consider yourself a Christian?

    Yes, I do. And the reason I can is that I understand that there are countless people who've been Christians for 2,000 years, in many different ways. It's not a matter of one version, you must believe this exactly the way I tell it to you. Christian theologians have always said that the truth of God is beyond our understanding. And so we speak in metaphors. Paul said we see through a glass darkly.

    I've heard that you didn't grow up in a religious family.

    Well, it was a Protestant family, nominally. We went to church, but my father had rejected the Bible for Darwin. He decided the Bible was a bunch of old fables and that evolution was right. So I was brought up to think the Bible was just kind of irrelevant. I grew up and became deeply and passionately interested in it and went to a church and was born again. I was 14 or 15. It was quite wonderful, and I loved what I found there.

    Even though your father was a confirmed atheist.

    It did shock him, yes. Of course, that's one way adolescents like to shock their parents. I didn't do it for that reason, but it had that effect. The power and the passion of that kind of evangelical Christianity was very real for me. And it was a discovery of something very important -- a spiritual dimension in life that I was not able to ignore. On the other hand, after a year of living in that church, one of my friends in high school was killed in an automobile accident. The people at the church asked, was he born again? And I said, no, he wasn't. And they said, well, then he's in hell. And I thought to myself, I don't believe that. That doesn't match up with what I'd heard about God. So at that point, I decided I had to find out for myself what I could about the early Christian movement, what I believe about it, and what is being said in the name of Jesus that I found not true.

    That's fascinating. Basically, it was because you couldn't buy into that fundamentalist version of Christianity that you launched your career as a historian of Christianity.

    That's the truth, yes.

    Well, this does raise the question of what we mean by God and what we mean by transcendence, and whether there is a transcendent reality out there. Is that discussion of transcendence meaningful to you?

    Oh, certainly it is. If we don't understand how important spiritual life is to people, I don't think we're going to understand human beings or the 21st century. There are many people who said religion is essentially over now, and everyone will become rational. They don't understand that the way humans are has a lot to do with religious experience.

    Your late husband, the eminent physicist Heinz Pagels, wrote very eloquently about the mysteries of science. Did he influence your thinking about this intersection between science and religion?

    Oh yes, he was deeply interested in philosophy and religion and science, and understood how profound and complicated those issues are. When you're dealing with science, for example, you're dealing all the time with metaphors. So to assume that religious language isn't metaphor doesn't make sense to me.

    There's a big debate right now over whether religion and science are two totally different domains, as Stephen Jay Gould once said, or whether they overlap. Where do you come down on that?

    That's a very tough question. I think religion and science both have a lot to do with understanding and imagination, but they certainly explore the world in very different ways. For example, when the eminent physicist Stephen Weinberg wrote in his book "The First Three Minutes," "the more we know about the universe, the more we know it's pointless and meaningless," my late husband said, "That doesn't make any sense." Einstein thought the more we knew about the universe, the more we knew about the divine intelligence. There are many ways to make inferences from physics. And inferences like that are not scientific at all; they're philosophic.

    Of course, there's still a huge debate about whether Einstein was religious or not. The atheists want to claim him for their camp, but religious people say he was actually quite open to religious ideas.

    Part of the problem is that Einstein used the language about God as a metaphor. When he said, "God does not play dice with the universe," he meant the universe is not put together in an accidental way. It does show a kind of intelligent process in it. Einstein was speaking about God in the way that physicists would -- aware that language like that is always going to be metaphorical, speaking beyond our understanding. But many people took him literally and said he's a religious man. Scientists said he was just using language carelessly.

    Isn't that part of the problem that we get into when we talk about metaphor and the religious imagination? If you don't take scripture literally, how do you take it?

    You can take scripture seriously without taking it literally. If you speak about the Resurrection of Christ, all we know historically is that after Jesus died, his followers became convinced that he was alive again. Now, what does that mean? They told many stories. Some of them said, I saw him with my own eyes, I touched him, he actually ate food, he was not a ghost. That's in Luke's gospel. And others said, I saw him for a moment and then he faded -- the way many people say they've seen people they knew who died. What I'm saying is there are many ways that people who believe in the Resurrection speak about Christ being alive after his death without meaning that his body got out of the grave and walked.

    It sounds like you're saying that it's perfectly possible to take the Bible very seriously, to be a Christian, and yet not to believe in the supernatural miracles that so many people simply cannot accept.

    Well, that may be. I don't dismiss all supernatural miracles, like a healing that can't be explained. Those do happen sometimes.

    You've been studying these texts for decades. Has your scholarly work deepened your own faith?

    Yes. And the scholarly work is part of the spiritual quest. Opening ourselves to exploring as much as we can about this can be, in fact, an act of faith. At Princeton, there's a course in the study of New Testament that some evangelical students were warned not to take. They called it "Faith Busters 101." And some of them come just to flex their muscles and see if they can sit there and stand it while somebody teaches them about how the gospels were written. But what they usually discover is that learning about those things doesn't change the fundamental questions about faith.

    Does faith necessarily involve some leap into mystery, into something that can't be explained?

    I think it does. Earlier this year, I was asked to do an interview with somebody who had written a book to demonstrate that Jesus had been raised bodily from the dead. And they expected me to say that was impossible. But I can't say it's impossible. From a historical point of view, there's no way you can comment on that. It's just not susceptible to that kind of analysis. So there's a lot that history can't answer and that science can't answer. I mean, there's a lot about all of our lives that we have no rational understanding of. And so faith comes into our relationships with the people we love, and our relationship to our life and our death.

    There seems to be a rather vigorous movement among scientists to try to explain the origins of religion. I'm struck by how often these theories come from atheists. And I think the underlying impulse is to demystify the divine. But can religion really be explained from the outside, by people who are not themselves religious?

    Probably not. For example, suppose you found the basic brain chemistry that explains religious perceptions. In fact, there are neurologists in New York trying very hard to understand precisely that. And you find that when people who've clinically died say they've had a near-death experience, they've gone into a brilliant light and then they've come back from some place. This is the flashes of light on the brain as it expires. Well, it may be. And it may not be. Is this a trick that our brain plays on us? Or is this intimations of some other kind of reality? I don't think science is going to answer that question.

    Isn't there an inherent limitation to any of those brain-imaging studies? Because there's the whole question, Are we just imagining this? Or is there really some contact with the divine?

    Exactly. For example, there's a study now at New York University about epilepsy. We know that epileptics often have an experience of seeing an aura. They can have an epileptic convulsion and they have a kind of vision. It was understood in ancient times to be demonic possession. So if people then say, epilepsy has a certain relationship to electrical activity in the brain, and that's what precipitates these experiences, does that mean that they are not real? I don't think that answers the question.

    What do you make of the recent claim by the atheist Richard Dawkins that the existence of God is itself a scientific question? If you accept the idea that God intervenes in the physical world, don't there have to be physical mechanisms for that to happen? Therefore, doesn't this become a question for science?

    Well, Dawkins loves to play village atheist. He's such a rationalist that the God that he's debunking is not one that most of the people I study would recognize. I mean, is there some great big person up there who made the universe out of dirt? Probably not.

    Are you saying that part of the problem here is the notion of a personal God? Has that become an old-fashioned view of religion?

    I'm not so sure of that. I think the sense of actual contact with God is one that many people have experienced. But I guess it's a question of what kind of God one has in mind.

    So when you think about the God that you believe in, how would you describe that God?

    Well, I've learned from the texts I work on that there really aren't words to describe God. You spoke earlier about a transcendent reality. I think it's certainly true that these are not just fictions that we arbitrarily invent.

    Certainly many people talk about God as an ineffable presence. But if you try to explain what transcendence is, can you put that into words and explain what it means?

    People have put it into words, but the words are usually metaphors or poems or hymns. Even the word "God" is a metaphor, or "the son of God," or "Father." They're all simply images for some other order of reality.

    There's one aspect of the Bible that's especially troubling. What do you make of the many passages that condone violence? Killing infidels seems to be what God wants.

    You mean in the Hebrew Bible?

    Yes, I'm particularly thinking about the Hebrew Bible.

    Well, yes. When you read the discussion of holy war in the Hebrew Bible, it's violent, definitely. This was a war god, identified with a particular tribe, with particular kinds of religious war. Christians often don't read that now. But when I talk with Jewish leaders, they say, yes, we remember that very well because we remember the Crusades. And the Muslims of course say the same. They say, why are you talking to us about violence? Christians have done violence in the name of Christ for nearly 2,000 years.

    So how should we read those passages that are so violent?

    That gets us back to the question, Can you read the Bible seriously without reading it literally? There are parts of the New Testament which encourage slaves to remain slaves. Do we take that literally? Those were fighting words during the Civil War when some Christians said slavery was part of God's plan and some people should live and die as slaves. I think few would agree with that now. But it was a position that one could seriously take on the basis of many biblical passages.

    You're saying that we have to understand context.

    I think we do. You were saying that some people believe faith has nothing to do with history. The fact is, somebody wrote those texts. They wrote them in a world in which slavery was taken for granted. That's a different world. So if we don't understand that, well, it says, Slaves, obey your masters, for this is right.

    -- By Steve Paulson

     
     

    "The Feminine Mistake"

    In her new book, boomer Leslie Bennetts warns younger women of the perils of dumping fulfilling careers. I agree, but why are women always told they're doing something wrong?

    By Joan Walsh

    Apr. 03, 2007 | If female fear and self-doubt were ever eradicated, the publishing industry would collapse. Another day, another book or magazine article about how women can have better orgasms, more money, smarter kids; mix job and family, spirituality and ambition; be a feminist and a stripper. But no matter the issue, the premise is pretty much the same: We're doing something wrong.

    Leslie Bennetts' "The Feminine Mistake: Are We Giving Up Too Much?" is a great rejoinder to Caitlin Flanagan's "To Hell With All That: Loving and Loathing Our Inner Housewife," last year's contribution to the literature of how women are screwing up. Bennetts' book captures so much so well -- the perils of dumping your career to stay home with your kids; the joy of having work you love and excel at -- that it took me a few days to figure out what bothered me. The problem is the so-called mistake at the heart of the book. It made me think about Flanagan's false alarms about what's "lost" when a mother works, and the scary must-read for women from five Aprils ago (is this a Mother's Day thing?), Sylvia Ann Hewlett's "The Baby Panic." Women are constantly being warned about the way we keep bollixing this whole love, work and family thing. But are we? And who's we?

    It's true that the women Bennetts, Flanagan and Hewlett are writing about are a tiny, affluent minority, but that's not exactly what irks me. Still, let me say upfront: Any piece about women grappling with the choice to abandon careers for children has to make clear how rare it is to have that option. Nobody's done that better lately than E.J. Graff in the Columbia Journalism Review, writing about the spate of books and articles that began with Lisa Belkin's solipsistic 2003 "Opt-Out Revolution" in the New York Times magazine, and continued through the fantasies of Caitlin Flanagan and her mortal enemy Linda Hirshman (whose "Get to Work" captured the gist of Bennetts' argument with roughly one-third the words and twice the indignation). Such books and articles, Graff notes, "focus excessively on a tiny proportion of American women -- white, highly educated, in well-paying professional/managerial jobs. Just 8 percent of American working women fit this demographic," she says, while "only 4 percent of women in their mid- to late 30s with children have advanced degrees and are in a privileged income bracket" like the women Belkin and other "opt-out" chroniclers are writing about.

    Graff calls it "my friends and me journalism," writing that inflates the issues of a tiny percentage of mostly white, straight, privileged women and pretends they're global. Bennetts' book may be the ultimate example of the "my friends and me" approach, and yet I agree with her, and with Hirshman, about why these privileged women's choices matter to all of us: because they're disproportionately visible to the privileged men who run the world -- they are their wives and daughters and, if things continue, their mothers. And as long as affluent women opt out or get pushed out of top jobs and decision-making positions in order to raise children, men with stay-at-home wives and daughters and mothers will continue to make rules that make it hard for less privileged women -- and men -- to balance work and family. So these advantaged women and their decisions do matter.

    In her lively book, Bennetts employs her own variation of "my friends and me" journalism: It's "my friends and me" vs. "the women who drive my friends and me frickin' nuts." In one corner, we meet the author and a roster of named and unnamed alpha females, who have great husbands and houses and kids, and fabulous careers, too. In the other corner are women who could be their evil twins, bright, privileged wives who threw it all over to raise their children and enjoy their suburban Colonial houses -- and all too often, lord it over the rest of us. Bennetts brilliantly captures the conspicuous consumption behind at least some of the so-called "opt-out revolution": Where a plump, well-fed wife used to be enough to prove a man's earning power, now it's having a stay-at-home spouse, Pilatesized and pedicured to perfection, who flaunts her unused Ivy League professional degree like a big flashy diamond. And for certain soulless, status-seeking women (yes, they get under my skin, too) it seems that in a world of abundance and excess, the best way to prove your worth is to squander it, to forgo making a difference in the wider world while pretending that raising children is a lifelong endeavor (it isn't) that makes you better than other women (it doesn't).

    "The Feminine Mistake" does several other things well. First and foremost, it reminds women that marriage usually isn't a lifelong paycheck. Roughly half of all marriages end in divorce (Bennetts visits the controversy over that statistic but never comes up with a more reliable one, and neither can I), but even if you're one of the lucky ones whose marriage lasts, you're almost certain to outlive your husband. The book is peppered with stories of women whose husbands got sick, developed alcohol or drug problems, lost their jobs or died young. Bennetts doesn't come up with a percentage of women who avoid divorce and the death, disability or unemployment of a spouse, but it's got to be a lucky few. Against that backdrop, she's got good numbers on what giving up work for stay-at-home motherhood costs women: They lose 37 percent of their earning power when they spend three or more years out of the workplace. Elderly women are twice as likely as elderly men to live in poverty.

    Bennetts depicts the blithe self-confidence of privileged women who don't believe these troubles can befall them. Over and over the women she interviews tell her they simply haven't given a thought to the chances their husbands might die young or leave them. "I don't feel like I'm approaching these choices expecting the worst," says one. "I don't look at my life in a defensive way." She explores the fear at the bottom of why many women simply give up pursuing a fulfilling work life. Life and work are hard; some women don't want to be corporate cogs, and that's admirable; some can't find careers that let them balance work and family, and that's lamentable; and some just don't want to do the hard work of finding a career they love and getting good at it, and they use kids as an excuse, which is deplorable. For such women it's easier (in the short run; back to those actuarial tables) to pretend you never wanted to succeed in the first place, and to let your husband do the hard work of building a rewarding career. Bennetts' last chapter borrows Simone de Beauvoir's great phrase "the anxiety of liberty" as its title, and exhorts women to live through that anxiety to embrace a full and complex life of work and family.

    Finally, the book does something crucial: It reminds women that the absorbing, exhausting, exhilarating years of tending to small children actually make up a relatively small portion of your adult life. Whether provoked by baby lust or sleep deprivation or an inability to get husbands to share childcare, women often abandon their careers in the early years, not knowing that things are going to get much easier. Bennetts offers women "the fifteen year paradigm" for the time it might take to juggle work and family and successfully launch two or three children into the years (we can fight over which they are) they need their mother less. Maybe most important, Bennetts is a champion for finding work you love. You rarely read ambitious, successful women talking about how much they love their work, and love being good at it. Bennetts frequently quotes Anna Fels, whose "Necessary Dreams: Ambition in Women's Changing Lives" explored how admitting that you want success, even greatness, is one of the last taboos for women.

    "The Feminine Mistake" fell short, however, in its over-reliance on repetitive anecdotes about the many, many, many ways husbands fail their wives. It reminded me, oddly, of Hewlett's "The Baby Panic," where on almost every page we met accomplished women with fabulous careers who nonetheless pine for the children they didn't have. In Bennetts' book we're constantly encountering accomplished women without careers who pine for the security they lost when their husbands dropped dead or became alcoholics or lost their jobs, or most frequently, ditched them. I got the point about a quarter of the way through, and started skimming when I met yet another desperate former housewife.

    Plus, all books like these tend to come with a side order of smug. Caitlin Flanagan's was supersized; Bennetts' is more modest but still unmistakable. Maybe it's a necessary corrective to the opt-out myth, to set out these stories of superwomen married to terrific men and balancing work and family, never effortlessly but with little evident doubt or pain or sacrifice. But I found it just more myth-making. Bennetts is trying to rehabilitate "have it all" feminism, which I think was retired with good reason years ago. It's very, very tricky to have it all -- great careers, great kids, great marriages. It's possible to have all three, but rarely all three at once. I'd rather not establish a new paradigm for feminine success that many young women will be unable to attain.

    And while Bennetts wrote the book with the admirable intent of helping young women, there's a little too much visible pique at their confusion about these issues. For me, the only debate more deadly and futile than the Mommy Wars is the Generation Wars, in which baby boomers and those who've come after them battle it out over who's more selfish and clueless. The last chapter of "The Feminine Mistake" simmers with the irritation of baby boomer feminists tired of hearing younger women complain that "the system is rigged against us" and retreat to their homes. The book sometimes feels like a feminist "Greatest Generation," exhorting younger women to both appreciate and emulate these brave role models who came before them. It closes with this cranky challenge on its next to last page: "If younger generations don't think that Baby Boom mothers with thriving careers are good role models, maybe they're using the wrong criteria to make that judgment. We may not be invincible, and we're certainly not perfect, but we are strong, we are self-sufficient, and we are prepared to handle whatever challenges the future might bring. Are you?" Bennetts means well, but I know if I talked to my teenage daughter that way, she'd turn up the volume on her iPod.

    In the end, I'm not sure the book's bravado will be entirely convincing to all of the women she wants to persuade. It's deaf to the way a child and family-centered life calls out to a lot of women, and to some men. When I've written on these topics before and gotten shrill about the importance of having a career and keeping maternal urges in check, I've gotten thoughtful and sometimes persuasive letters from women and a few men who derive more joy from family than from work, who've sacrificed to make sure at least one parent is regularly home with their kids, who take the time to make their house a home, not in a competitive or compulsive way, but out of love and longing. I no longer dismiss them as victims of a new feminine mystique.

    Still, I'm glad to have "The Feminine Mistake" reminding women to protect their future and that of their kids. In the end, women have to search their hearts, and not merely books, to find the right balance of child rearing, work and home for their own lives.

    -- By Joan Walsh

March 30, 2007

  • Cheerleaders and Injury

    Robert Caplin For The New York Times

    If all goes well, the airborne cheerleader, known as the flier, is caught by other cheerleaders. But not always

    Pom-Poms, Pyramids and Peril

    Robert Caplin for The New York Times

    The University of Maryland competing at the National Cheerleaders Association United States Championships held earlier this month at Manhattan's Hammerstein Ballroom

    March 30, 2007

    Pompoms, Pyramids and Peril

    For decades, they stood by safe and smiling, a fixture on America's sporting sidelines. But today's young cheerleaders, who perform tricks once reserved for trapeze artists, may be in more peril than any female athletes in the country.

    Emergency room visits for cheerleading injuries nationwide have more than doubled since the early 1990s, and the rate of life-threatening injuries has startled researchers. Of 104 catastrophic injuries sustained by female high school and college athletes from 1982 to 2005 — head and spinal trauma that occasionally led to death — more than half resulted from cheerleading, according to the National Center for Catastrophic Sports Injury Research. All sports combined did not surpass cheerleading.

    New acrobatic maneuvers have turned cheerleaders into daredevils. And while the sport has retained its sense of glamour, at dozens of competitions around the country, knee braces and ice bags affixed to ankles and wrists have become accouterments as common as mascara.

    With more than 4 million participants cheering at everything from local youth football games to the limelight of the N.C.A.A. basketball tournament, female cheerleaders now commonly do tricks atop pyramids or are tossed 20 feet in the air to perform twists and flips. If all goes well, the airborne cheerleader, known as the flier, is caught by other cheerleaders. But not always.

    Jessica Smith, an 18-year-old cheerleader at Sacramento City College, broke her neck in two places five months ago when a botched stunt dropped her headfirst from a height of about 15 feet.

    "They make you sign a medical release when you join a cheerleading team," Smith said in a telephone interview last week. "They ought to tell the girls that they are signing a death waiver."

    She was the flier during a practice in October, when the team was attempting a new maneuver that called for her to be thrown upsidedown into a handstand, where she would be caught by a male cheerleader perched on two other cheerleaders' thighs. After trying the stunt once, Smith said, she was uncomfortable trying it again. She relented when coaxed by her teammates.

    "But as I was thrown in the air, the cheerleader who was supposed to catch me lost his balance and fell back," Smith said. "I was inverted and in the air with nothing to stop me from coming straight down on my head. I hit and heard my neck crack. I was screaming after that."

    Smith fractured two vertebrae.

    "They tell me I missed being in a wheelchair by one millimeter," she said.

    She endured two months with a halo device bolted to her skull that held her head and neck in place. Although her neck is healing and she has complete use of her arms and legs, she has dropped out of school and her movements remain highly restricted. She said she rarely sleeps at night, awakened by recurring flashbacks of the accident.

    "Still, I'm one of the lucky ones," she said. "Some people don't walk away from a cheerleading fall."

    Smith has sued Sacramento City College for negligence. Amanda Hamilton, a spokeswoman for the college, declined to comment.

    Although the number of cheerleaders nationwide has grown an estimated 18 percent since 1990, researchers did not examine injury rates until recently.

    "Everyone thought cheerleading was jumping up and down and yelling to the crowd, which seemed pretty harmless," said Brenda Shields, the coordinator of an injury research center at the Columbus Children's Hospital in Ohio. Shields helped author a cheerleading safety article last year in the journal Pediatrics.

    "No one knew how much cheerleading had changed," Shields said. "Once we looked at the data, the numbers were a bit of shock, and that's when we realized the risks involved."

    There were 22,900 cheerleading-related injuries treated in emergency rooms in 2002, up from 10,900 in 1990, according to the Columbus study. The Consumer Product Safety Commission, meanwhile, reported there were nearly six times as many emergency room visits for cheerleaders in 2004 than in 1980.

    Noting that many other injuries probably occur but are treated by private physicians without an emergency room visit, Dr. Frederick Mueller, director of the National Center for Catastrophic Sports Injury Research, added, "The real number of cheerleading injuries could be twice as high."

    Leaders of cheerleading organizations counter that with the millions participating, cheerleading is not dangerous for an overwhelming majority. They insist that cheerleading is working hard to become safer. Jim Lord, executive director of the American Association of Cheerleading Coaches and Administrators, did not discount researchers' findings but said they did not reflect recent, concentrated efforts to reduce risk and increase training for coaches.

    "We have pushed safety to the front burner," Lord said.

    The more athletic, more acrobatic era of cheerleading is widely linked to the 1980s, when hundreds of high school gymnastics teams were dropped, partly because school districts grew weary of paying off injury insurance claims for the sport. Many gifted female gymnasts gravitated toward cheerleading and, with their ability and competitive nature, they soon pushed halftime routines far beyond shaking pompoms and waving banners.

    Three years ago and roughly 100 miles away from Jessica Smith's West Sacramento home, the San Jose State University cheerleader Rechelle Sneath, who was 18 at the time, fell during a practice and was paralyzed from the waist down. She now uses a wheelchair. In 2005, Ashley Burns, a 14-year-old from Medford, Mass., died after being hurled into the air and landing on her stomach, causing her spleen to rupture. And last year, the Prairie View A&M cheerleader Bethany Norwood, 24, died from complications of a paralyzing fall during a cheerleading practice in 2004.

    As noted by cheerleading's advocates, the number of serious injuries is low when compared with the number of participants, who often cheer year-round. In addition, less-threatening infirmities — sprains, strains and bruises — make up more than 70 percent of all cheerleading injuries.

    But several organizations have made it clear that cheerleading accounts for a disproportionate number of major injuries in youth or college athletics. In 2005, the National Collegiate Athletic Association's Catastrophic Injury Insurance Program found that 25 percent of the money spent on claims for student-athletes since 1998 resulted from cheerleading. That made it second only to football. The ratio of cheerleaders to football players is about 12 to 100.

    After a high-profile injury a year ago to a Southern Illinois cheerleader — her fall from a pyramid was caught on video and broadcast widely — the N.C.A.A. cracked down with new restrictions. The guidelines mandated the use of mats when cheerleaders perform more challenging stunts, and most significantly, college coaches now must take a safety certification course if they want catastrophic insurance coverage.

    Inadequate training of coaches is the most frequently cited cause of injuries. Inexperienced coaches will have squads try complex stunts without following accepted step-by-step progressions to acquire the skills required to safely attempt the trick. The coaches association certification, which costs $75 and is available to coaches of all levels, details proper techniques and procedures.

    While the association has vigorously pushed numerous safety initiatives, it has only so much influence over the unconfined cheerleading community. There are more than 75 cheerleading organizations, varying from state to state and region to region, all with their own regulations and competitions.

    Even in high school cheerleading, there is no uniformity of regulations nationwide and little statewide control. Many teams routinely do stunts that would be banned in the N.C.A.A. This is largely because most states do not consider cheerleading a sport, so it is not under the aegis of a powerful state athletic association. Instead, cheerleading is labeled an activity, which often means it is regulated by the same state education groups that govern the chess, debate and French clubs.

    "Some states don't want to touch cheerleading with a 10-foot pole," said Susan Loomis, the spirit coordinator of the National Federation of State High School Associations who also oversees a coaches education program. "Fifteen to 18 states actually regulate cheerleading. But many, many schools do not follow our rulebook and their coaches are not skilled — sometimes with disastrous results."

    At the grassroots level, private, competitive touring cheerleading clubs, known as All-Stars, have sprung up nationwide. These cheerleaders, some as young as 5 years old, never attend games but instead enter the dozens of competitions held every weekend. With annual memberships that can cost as much as $4,000, and in the pursuit of national championship trophies, All-Stars squads are often obliged to attempt the most demanding tricks.

    The level of coaching knowledge and proficiency at private cheerleading gyms tends to be far higher, but so is the level of commitment from the cheerleaders. At competitions, the zest for the sport is evident in a thousand happy faces. Performances are a blur of tumbling bodies, executed to loud, pulsating music. The stunts are breathtaking, like something out of Cirque du Soleil, but there are frequent near collisions, perilous pyramids and many hard landings.

    At a National Cheerleaders Association United States Championships held earlier this month at Manhattan's Hammerstein Ballroom, the participants shrugged off injuries and universally adopted a mentality that would have been at home in a pro football locker room.

    Valerie Smith, 18, a cheerleader for New York Cheer, an All-Star squad based on Long Island, was competing with a broken nose sustained in a practice mishap four days earlier. She wore makeup to conceal her still-blackened eyes.

    "I haven't seen a doctor yet, because I was afraid he might not let me come to this competition," Smith, of West Islip, N.Y., said with an impish smile. "But when you've been working 10 hours a week for something like this, I wasn't going to let a broken nose stop me. Besides, that's letting down the team."

    She said all elite cheerleaders lived by the same motto.

    "The glitter, the makeup and the curls in our hair make cheerleading so deceiving," Smith said. "We look like pretty little things. Well, most athletes throw balls around. We throw other cheerleaders around. What's harder? What's harder to catch?"

    Smith expects to continue her cheerleading in college. "I can't imagine ever giving it up," she said.

    It is not an unusual sentiment, even for those who have been seriously injured.

    Chelsea Kossiver, a 15-year-old high school freshman from Satellite Beach, Fla., broke her neck at the end of a cheerleading practice in January as she tumbled down a runway and landed awkwardly. She is recovering and avoided paralysis after five hours of emergency surgery that fused vertebrae with titanium screws, plates and wire.

    Resuming her cheerleading career would be against her doctor's orders, but Kossiver did not rule it out.

    "Maybe someday," she said. "Cheerleading is not as dangerous as people think."

    Jessica Smith, meanwhile, is happy she can now leave her home without the halo device or bulky brace that had been attached to her head and neck. She appreciates the simple pleasure of walking in the neighborhood, though she must stifle the urge to break into a jog. Smith hopes to resume her college studies this summer. Going out for the cheerleading team has not entered her mind.

    "I can't even watch the cheerleading I see on TV now," she said. "I look away or leave the room. I know what can go wrong."


     

    More Than 100 Are Killed in Iraq

    Ibrahim Sultan/Reuters

    A street scene in Mahmudiya, south of Baghdad, where a car-bomb attack in a parking lot near a hospital killed four people and wounded 20.

    March 30, 2007

    More Than 100 Are Killed in Iraq as a Wave of Sectarian Attacks Shows No Sign of Letting Up

    BAGHDAD, March 29 — More than 100 people were killed Thursday in a series of attacks around Iraq that included two suicide bombings that struck crowded markets during the week's busiest shopping hours, the authorities said.

    The attacks extended an extraordinary surge of sectarian violence in Iraq this week, including a series of bombings and reprisals in the northern city of Tal Afar in which more than 140 people were killed in two days.

    On Thursday, officials said 18 police officers in Tal Afar suspected of participating in the massacre of Sunni Arab residents in reprisal for the bombing of a Shiite neighborhood had been freed after being detained for only a few hours.

    At a time when the Shiite-dominated central government has been under intense pressure to rein in Shiite militias and death squads, the releases are sure to bring even more outrage from Sunni Arabs.

    The deadliest attacks on Thursday were aimed at predominantly Shiite neighborhoods in central Iraq and appeared to be part of a fierce campaign by Sunni Arab insurgents to undermine the latest government security plan for Baghdad.

    At least 60 people, mostly women and children, were killed when a man wrapped in an explosive belt walked into a crowded street market in the Shaab neighborhood of eastern Baghdad and detonated the belt, an Interior Ministry official said. At least 25 people were wounded.

    The attack appeared to be carefully timed, hitting just after sundown on the eve of the Muslim day of prayer, when markets are packed.

    Two hours earlier, a coordinated attack involving three suicide car bombers, including one driving an ambulance, killed at least 28 people, including women and children, and wounded 53 in the predominantly Shiite town of Khalis, about six miles north of Baquba in the violently contested province of Diyala, according to the Iraqi authorities.

    The first of those suicide car bombs was detonated at a crowded market, according to a senior Iraqi security official in Baquba. As people rushed to help victims of the first car bombing, a second such bomb went off, killing and wounding rescuers and security forces, the official said.

    The third suicide bomber, who was driving a stolen ambulance, apparently had engine problems about 500 yards from the central hospital, his apparent target, the security official said. When several people approached the man to help, the official said, he detonated his explosives.

    The attacks came on the heels of a two-day spate of sectarian bloodshed in Tal Afar, during which a double suicide bombing in a Shiite neighborhood was answered by a Shiite massacre of Sunni residents. More than 140 people have been killed there, with at least 210 people wounded, officials said.

    Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki immediately ordered an investigation into the killings. Interior Minister Jawad al-Bolani told the government-run television channel Iraqiya on Wednesday that the government would "take legal action" against the 18 police officers who had been arrested and accused of involvement in the massacre, in which at least 70 people were killed.

    But on Thursday, officials in Nineveh Province, where the attacks occurred, said the police officers had been held only briefly by the Iraqi Army and released.

    Nineveh's governor, Durad Kashmul, said at a news conference that the the army had freed the policemen "to deter strife" after a street demonstration demanding their release, Reuters reported.

    Husham al-Hamdani, the head of the provincial security committee, confirmed to The Associated Press that the officers had been freed but gave no reason. Repeated calls to the spokesmen for the Iraqi military command went unanswered, and an envoy from Prime Minister Maliki who visited Tal Afar said he could not confirm or deny the report that the policemen had been released.

    In Baghdad, a bomb placed on a popular shopping street in the Baya district killed 10 people and wounded 20, according to officials at the Interior Ministry and Yarmuk Hospital. A car bomb exploded near a hospital in Mahmudiya, south of Baghdad, killing four people and wounding 20, the ministry official said. And a suicide car bomber detonated himself at an Iraqi Army checkpoint in the Jamiya district of western Baghdad, killing three soldiers and wounding 16.

    At least eight more people were killed by gunmen in Baghdad and Mosul, officials said, including a guard employed by the Shiite politician Ahmad Chalabi. At least 25 bodies were discovered around Baghdad.

    In the capital, Ryan C. Crocker was sworn in as the new American ambassador to Iraq. At the ceremony, in the international Green Zone, Mr. Crocker said: "Turning the tide from oppression to freedom does not come overnight. It does not come without high costs."

    He added: "President Bush's policy is the right one. There has been progress; there is also much more to be done."

    Qais Mizher and Ahmad Fadam contributed reporting from Baghdad, and an Iraqi employee of The New York Times from Mosul.


    Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company

     

    Today's Papers

    The Gonzales Connection
    By Daniel Politi
    Posted Friday, March 30, 2007, at 5:53 A.M E.T.

    The New York Times and Los Angeles Times lead with the revelation that Attorney General Alberto Gonzales was more involved in the discussions that resulted in the firings of eight U.S. attorneys than he had previously acknowledged. Kyle Sampson, Gonzales' former chief of staff, told the Senate judiciary committee that the attorney general's previous comments had been inaccurate.

    The Washington Post leads with news that President Bush invited the entire House GOP caucus to the White House for the first time in his presidency on the same day the Senate passed its $122 billion war spending bill with a 51-47 vote. The Wall Street Journal also mentions the Senate bill in the top spot of its newsbox but leads with yesterday's bombings in and around Baghdad that killed at least 132 people in predominantly Shiite areas (the LAT is the only other paper that fronts the news). USA Today leads with word that more than 60 law enforcement agencies are seeking training from the federal government in order to have the power to arrest illegal immigrants. Many of those who want the training are from smaller cities and towns that have recently seen an increase in their illegal-immigrant population.

    Responding to questions during the almost seven-hour session, Sampson said he discussed the plan to remove the prosecutors with the attorney general on "at least five" occasions. Sampson also confirmed that the attorney general was present at a meeting in November when senior officials signed off on the firings. Although Sampson testified that Gonzales knew which prosecutors were being considered for the firings, he insisted the attorney general was not involved in adding or subtracting names from the list. But ultimately, "the decision-makers in this case were the attorney general and the counsel to the president," Sampson said in reference to Harriet Miers, who was White House counsel at the time.

    Sampson also acknowledged that David Iglesias, the fired U.S. attorney of New Mexico, wasn't added to the list until shortly before the November elections and after Karl Rove complained to Gonzales about him. This was right around the time when two Republican lawmakers were also expressing that they weren't happy with Iglesias and his handling of a public corruption investigation that dealt with Democrats.

    Senators also raised questions about whether Carol Lam, the U.S. attorney in San Diego, was fired as a result of her investigation into a former Republican lawmaker. Sampson denied there was any connection and said, "the real problem at that time was her office's prosecution of immigration cases." But Sampson acknowledged that, as far as he knew, no one at the Justice Department had complained to Lam about this before she was fired. There was also much back-and-forth about Sampson's proposal to include Patrick Fitzgerald, the U.S. attorney in Chicago, in the dismissal list. Sampson insisted he came up with the idea on his own and the White House's lawyers immediately shot it down.

    All of this, of course, increases the troubles for the attorney general, who is scheduled to face Congress April 17. The WSJ emphasizes this angle and says the White House might encourage Gonzales to clarify his role in the firings before he testifies. "Three weeks is a long time," a White House spokeswoman said. (As of yesterday afternoon, Slate's Gonzo-Meter put the chances of Gonzales leaving at 85 percent).

    By standing with the Republicans as he, once again, promised to use his veto pen, Bush was attempting to show that he's not politically isolated as he gears up for a fight with Democrats. As the Post points out, this move is right out of the Clinton playbook. On the day Clinton was impeached in 1998, he gathered the entire House Democratic caucus to show that he still had support.

    Meanwhile, Democratic leaders also did their best to emphasize their unity. But as the LAT notes in a Page One story, reconciling the differences between the Senate and House versions of the bill may bring some conflicts to the forefront. The House includes a stricter timeline than the Senate, and some lawmakers might not approve of any compromises that could be reached. Some House members have threatened to remove their support if the final bill does not contain a strict timeline, while some in the Senate have insisted they can't vote for a bill that includes a firm deadline. Democrats will also have to reconcile any differences in the money for domestic issues that is included in each bill. The NYT publishes a helpful chart by the president of a nonprofit group detailing "some of the most egregious earmarks" in the bills.

    The surge of violence in Iraq was quite the welcome for the new U.S. ambassador to Iraq, Ryan C. Crocker, who was sworn in yesterday. Crocker recognized that the road ahead would be difficult but emphasized that "if I thought it was impossible, I would not be standing here today." Making matters worse, the complications in Iraq are not only because of bombings and assassinations, it also seems there is a resurgence of sectarian evictions, as the NYT details in a good Page One story. When the new security plan came into place, the evictions seemed to largely stop, but those on the ground say they have started back up again this month.

    Well, that's a relief The LAT's Joel Stein reveals that he was offered a role in a soft-core production (apparently, the show's producer thought he was "good looking"). In a move that will be disappointing to maybe two people, Stein ultimately declined.

    Daniel Politi writes "Today's Papers" for Slate. He can be reached at todayspapers@slate.com.

     

    Thursday, March 29, 2007

    Transition in European Politics

    Michal Cizek/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

    DIVISIONS A protest in Prague this month over a United States missile defense plan for the Czech Republic.

    March 25, 2007

    For Europe, a Moment to Ponder

    SEVILLE, Spain

    IT is not easy to think of Spain as Poland. Stroll around this southern city at dusk, beneath the palms, beside the handsome bridges on the Guadalquivir River, past the chic boutiques and the Häagen-Dazs outlet, the Gothic cathedral and the Moorish palace, and it is scarcely Warsaw that comes to mind.

    But, insisted Adam Michnik, the Polish writer, "Poland is the new Spain, absolutely." He continued: "Spain was a poor country when it joined the European Union 21 years ago. It no longer is. We will see the same results in Poland."

    If history is prologue, Mr. Michnik is likely to be right. The European Union, which celebrates the 50th anniversary of its founding treaty this weekend, is more often associated with Brussels bureaucrats setting the maximum curvature of cucumbers than with transformational power. But step by step, stipulation by stipulation, Europe has been remade.

    What began in limited fashion in 1957 as a drive to remove tariff barriers and promote commercial exchange has ended by banishing war from Europe, enriching it beyond measure, and producing what Mr. Michnik called "the first revolution that has been absolutely positive."

    Asia, still beset by nationalisms and open World War II wounds, can only envy Europe's conjuring away agonizing history, a process that involved a voluntary dilution of national sovereignty unthinkable in the United States.

    This achievement will be symbolized as leaders from the 27 member states gather in Berlin — the city that stood at the crux of violent 20th-century European division. They will sign a "Berlin Declaration" celebrating the peace, freedom, wealth and democracy that the Treaty of Rome has now helped spread among almost half a billion Europeans.

    But it is a celebration in uncertainty. A bigger union, expanded to include the ex-Communist states of Central Europe, has proved largely ungovernable. A constitution designed to streamline its governance was rejected in 2005. Integration has been a European triumph, but not always of those who are part of large-scale Muslim immigration. "The E.U. is on autopilot, in stalemate, in deep crisis," said Joschka Fischer, the former German foreign minister who seven years ago called for a European federation run by a true European government. The founding treaty, signed by the six founding members on March 25, 1957, rested on creative ambiguity. It called for an "ever closer union among the European peoples"; behind it lay dreams of a United States of Europe. The bold politics nestled inside basic economics — a common market — and was thus rendered unthreatening. A common currency, the euro, emerged in 2002.

    Still, the ambiguity persisted; it has proved divisive. Economic power has been built more effectively than political or strategic unity. Military power has lagged. Recent disputes — from Iraq to current American plans to install missile defenses in Poland and the Czech Republic — have shown how hard it is for Europe to speak with one voice or, as Fischer put it, "define what strategic interests it has in common."

    Nonetheless, "autopilot" in the union still amounts to a lot.

    It will ensure, for example, that over $100 billion is sent to Poland from now to 2013 to upgrade its infrastructure and agriculture, a sum that dwarfs American aid. Similarly, more than $190 billion has been devoted to Spain since it joined the union in 1986, 11 years after the end of Franco's dictatorship.

    The result has been Spain's extraordinary transition from a country whose per capita output was 71 percent of the European average in 1985, 90 percent in 2004, and now 100.7 percent of the median of the 27 members. Spain has moved into the club of the well off. Dictatorship seems utterly remote.

    Poland under the Kaczynski brothers is far from overcoming the painful legacy of Communist tyranny, but by 2025 — its own 21-year membership anniversary — safe to say that healing will be advanced.

    "The E.U. slashes political risk," said Chris Huhne, a Liberal Democrat member of the British Parliament. "It also exercises a soft power on its periphery that has far more transformational impact than the American neocon agenda in the Middle East. Countries in the Balkans wanting to come into the European democratic family have to adapt."

    That adaptation is economic as well as political. The creation of something approximating an American single market has been powerful in ending cartels and monopolies, introducing competition, pushing privatization and generally promoting the market over heavily managed capitalism.

    Which is not to say, of course, that European capitalism is American capitalism. It is less fluid; it creates fewer jobs. It is also less harsh.

    Indeed, defense of what is called the European social model, with universal health care and extensive unemployment benefits, has become a tenet of European identity. How far that identity, as opposed to national identities, exists today is a matter of dispute. Only 2 percent of European Union inhabitants of working age live in member states other than their own.

    But a survey in the French daily Le Figaro showed that 71 percent of French people now feel some pride in a European identity. The Erasmus program has helped about 1.5 million young Europeans spend a year studying in European universities outside their own countries.

    The movie "L'Auberge Espagnole," or "The Spanish Inn," captured the Erasmus experience: jumbled cultures, linguistic and amorous discovery, and the births of new identities from this mingling. Countless Eurocouples have not been the least of the union's achievements.

    How this generation will deal with what is often called the question of Europe's final destination remains unclear. The union is open geographically: It could end at the Iranian and Iraqi borders if Turkey joins. It is also open politically: How much of a federation should Europe be?

    The union has been upended by Communism's unexpected demise. The European Economic Community, as formed in 1957, did not try to liberate the continent; it tried to ensure that half of it cohered in freedom. "Europe was initially built on accepting — with more or less equanimity — to forget about half of it, including historic centers of European civilization like Prague or Budapest," said Jonathan Eyal, a British analyst. "And the irony is that it is precisely the return of these centers that has thrown the E.U. into existential crisis today."

    That crisis is partly procedural: It is not clear how you get things done in a Europe of 27. It is partly of identity: The rapidly cohering Europe with a Franco-German core is gone, and nobody quite knows what to put in its place. And it is partly political: The conception of Europe in post-Communist countries is simply different.

    These differences are apparent in recent tensions between Germany and Poland, whose reconciliation has been one of the European Union's conspicuous miracles.

    Germany has been utterly remade by an integrating Europe to the point that more people worry today about German pacifism than expansionism. But Poland is just entering that transformational process; under Lech Kaczynski's conservative presidency its wariness of the pooling of sovereignty inherent in the union has been clear.

    Poland today, said Karl Kaiser, a German political analyst, "looks out and tends to see the old Germany and the old expansionist Russia; it has not taken part mentally in the long process of integration."

    So Warsaw sees Moscow-Berlin plots of sinister memory when Russia and Germany agree to build a gas pipeline directly between each other, under the Baltic Sea rather than over Poland.

    It pushes hard, but unsuccessfully, for references to Europe's Christian roots in the Berlin declaration. It contemplates, as does the Czech Republic, installing part of a new American missile defense system against Iran, and does so despite German unease, Russian fury and the absence of any European or NATO consensus.

    Of course, what Poles and Czechs see beyond Germany or Russia is the America that defeated the Soviet Union and freed them: Poles, as Mr. Michnik noted, "tend to be more pro-American than Americans."

    Whatever tempering of this sentiment Iraq has brought, Poland and the rest of Central and Eastern Europe remain more pro-American than the Europe of the Treaty of Rome. With Britain they now form a club within the club that sees Europe more as loose alignment than strategic union.

    "For Britain, Europe is a convenience rather than a concept," said Karsten Voigt, a German Foreign Ministry official.

    This is an intractable division, and the Bush administration has accentuated the split with its ad hoc approach to European alliances. That stance was evident at the time of the Iraq invasion and again today over missile defenses. Coalitions of the willing tend to leave the unwilling bristling.

    At a deeper level, Homo europeus, formed over 50 years, now lies at some distance from Homo americanus. Post-heroic Europeans tend to favor procedure, talk, international institutions and incremental measures to resolve issues, where Americans tend to favor resolve backed by force.

    Peace is much more of an absolute value today in Europe than in the United States, as are opposition to the death penalty and commitment to reversing global warming. So what? The ties that bind the Atlantic family remain strong. But, unglued by the cold war's end, they are not as strong as they were. Europe sees the United States today more through the prism of Baghdad than Berlin.

    Generations pass; memories fade; perceptions change. That is inevitable. The great achievement of the European Union has been to absorb those changes and zigzags within the broader push for unity.

    That push, that journey, is incomplete. But Europeans have learned, as Mr. Eyal said, that "traveling can be just as good as arriving." Perpetual difficulty has been the union's perpetual stimulus. A United States of Europe remains a distant, probably unreachable dream. At the same time, continent-wide war has become an unthinkable nightmare.

    "The E.U. is an unfinished project, but so what?" Mr. Voigt said. "Why be nervous? We have time."

    Time enough even, the 50-year history of the union suggests, for Turkey to become the new Poland.

    Roger Cohen writes the Globalist column for The International Herald Tribune.


     

    Ex-Aide Rejects Gonzales Stand Over Dismissals

    Doug Mills/The New York Times

    In the Senate Thursday, D. Kyle Sampson, the former chief of staff to Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales, disputed Mr. Gonzales's public account of his role in prosecutors' firings.

    March 30, 2007

    Ex-Aide Rejects Gonzales Stand Over Dismissals

    WASHINGTON, March 29 — The former chief of staff to Alberto R. Gonzales testified on Thursday that he had consulted regularly with the attorney general about dismissing United States attorneys, disputing Mr. Gonzales's public account of his role as very limited.

    The former aide, D. Kyle Sampson, who resigned two weeks ago, told the Senate Judiciary Committee that Mr. Gonzales's statements about the prosecutors' dismissals were inaccurate and that the attorney general had been repeatedly advised of the planning for them.

    The two men talked about the dismissal plans over a two-year period, Mr. Sampson said, beginning in early 2005 when Mr. Gonzales was still the White House counsel. Mr. Sampson said he had briefed his boss at least five times before December 2006, when seven of the eight prosecutors were ousted.

    Asked by Senator Arlen Specter, Republican of Pennsylvania, about Mr. Gonzales's statements at a March 13 news conference that he had not participated in any discussions about the dismissals, Mr. Sampson replied, "I don't think the attorney general's statement that he was not involved in any discussions about U.S. attorney removals is accurate."

    Mr. Sampson's testimony was the latest blow to Mr. Gonzales, who is struggling to keep his job as lawmakers from both parties have called for his resignation and prosecutors in his agency have criticized him privately. The attorney general has promised to remain in his post, and President Bush has backed him publicly.

    The White House repeated that support on Thursday, while acknowledging disappointment with Mr. Gonzales's handling of the dismissals.

    "The attorney general has some work to do up on Capitol Hill," said Dana Perino, a White House spokeswoman, adding that President Bush "wasn't satisfied with incomplete or inconsistent information being provided to Capitol Hill."

    Brian Roehrkasse, a Justice Department spokesman, said the attorney general had already begun to set the record straight in a television interview on Monday by saying that Mr. Sampson had occasionally updated him on the planned dismissals.

    In his daylong appearance on Thursday, Mr. Sampson shed no new light on why Harriet E. Miers, the former White House counsel, first proposed the dismissals after the 2004 election. And he offered little information clarifying whether Karl Rove, the senior White House adviser, played a central role.

    While denying that the Bush administration had replacement candidates in mind when the prosecutors were ousted, Mr. Sampson acknowledged that complaints from Republican lawmakers were a factor in the dismissals of two prosecutors.

    Mr. Sampson also acknowledged publicly for the first time that he proposed replacing Patrick J. Fitzgerald, the United States attorney in Chicago, at a White House meeting in 2006. Mr. Fitzgerald was then prosecuting the case involving the leak of the identity of Valerie Wilson, the C.I.A. officer. That led to the conviction this month of I. Lewis Libby, Vice President Dick Cheney's former chief of staff, on perjury charges.

    "I said Patrick Fitzgerald could be added to this list," Mr. Sampson said, recalling a conversation with Ms. Miers and an aide. The suggestion, which he said he regretted, was immediately dropped. "They looked at me like I had said something totally inappropriate, and I had," Mr. Sampson said.

    Asked whether Mr. Rove, who testified several times before Mr. Fitzgerald's grand jury, had ever expressed an opinion about removing Mr. Fitzgerald, Mr. Sampson said: "To the best of my recollection, no. I don't remember that."

    As he answered sometimes skeptical questions from senators of both parties, Mr. Sampson, who sat alone at the witness table in a packed Senate hearing room, offered an apologetic and deferential account of his actions. At times, he put his hand on his chest or heart, or tapped the table before him, to emphasize his points. But he grew testy at times and more defensive as the morning hearing wore into the afternoon.

    Mr. Sampson, who testified voluntarily, seemed eager to explain his own actions, admit his mistakes and rebut speculation that the dismissals were intended to block or accelerate corruption inquiries.

    "Looking back on all of this, I wish that we could do it over again," Mr. Sampson said, in the closing minutes of the hearing. "In hindsight, I wish the department had not gone down this road at all."

    Mr. Sampson said he regretted his role in what he said had become "an ugly undignified spectacle." He added, "This episode has been personally devastating to me and my family."

    Much of the hearing focused on why prosecutors' names were added to or dropped off the list. At regular White House meetings that included Ms. Miers and her deputy, William Kelley, progress on preparing the list was discussed, Mr. Sampson said.

    He repeatedly rebuffed questions suggesting that any of the dismissals occurred for inappropriate political reasons. But he conceded that complaints by Republican political figures most likely played a role in ousting David C. Iglesias in New Mexico and Carol C. Lam in San Diego.

    Mr. Sampson acknowledged that as recently as 2005, he had considered Mr. Iglesias an "up and comer" who could be a candidate for promotion to Justice Department headquarters.

    But Mr. Sampson said that shortly before the November 2006 election, Mr. Rove complained to Mr. Gonzales about Mr. Iglesias and two other prosecutors — Mr. Sampson did not identify them — considered to be insufficiently aggressive in pursuing voter fraud cases. Mr. Rove was forwarding objections raised by prominent Republicans, including Senator Pete V. Domenici of New Mexico.

    Mr. Domenici's criticism played a role in adding Mr. Iglesias's name to the ouster list, or at least keeping it there, Mr. Sampson said. "Senator Domenici won't mind if he stays on the list," Mr. Sampson said, recalling a comment by Deputy Attorney General Paul J. McNulty.

    Mr. Sampson disputed suggestions that Ms. Lam was removed because of her office's corruption investigation of former Representative Randy Cunningham, a Republican, who was convicted in 2005.

    "The real problem at that time was her office's prosecution of immigration cases," Mr. Sampson said. But he said he did not think she was told of concerns that her office was failing to prosecute enough border smugglers before she was ousted.

    None of the dismissals were intended to interfere with political corruption investigations, he said. "During this process, I never associated asking the U.S. attorneys to resign with any investigation," Mr. Sampson said.

    Instead, he said, he drew up the dismissal list, adding and subtracting names, based on a "not scientific" accumulation of opinions and other information from Justice Department officials.

    Mr. Sampson said respect for priorities set by the administration, like prosecuting large numbers of gun crimes or border smuggling cases, was a justifiable reason for including prosecutors on the ouster list.

    "Let me just say that in my e-mails, by referring to 'loyal Bushies' or 'loyalty to the president and the attorney general,' what I meant was loyalty to their policies and to the priorities that they had laid out for U.S. attorneys," Mr. Sampson said.

    The problem, he agreed, was the way the process was handled; to outside observers, he acknowledged, it may have incorrectly appeared as if prosecutors were being replaced because of their role in pursuing politically sensitive corruption cases.

    "I personally did not take adequate account of the perception problem that would result," he said.

    Several senators questioned how he could have drafted a letter sent to the Senate in February claiming that Mr. Rove had played no role in the appointment of J. Timothy Griffin, the interim United States attorney in Arkansas and a former Rove aide. Mr. Sampson had written an e-mail message to his colleagues acknowledging that Mr. Rove wanted Mr. Griffin to get the job.

    He tried to explain the contradiction by suggesting that what he knew for sure was that Mr. Rove's staff wanted Mr. Griffin to get the job, a response that seemed to satisfy few members of the committee.

    Mr. Specter also pressed Mr. Sampson to explain who else in the Bush administration considered using a provision included in the 2006 reauthorization of the USA Patriot Act to name United States attorneys permanently without Senate confirmation. Mr. Sampson finally acknowledged that others in the administration whom he did not name favored using that power to keep Mr. Griffin in the Arkansas post.

    "In hindsight, I believe that it would be an abuse of the attorney general's appointment authority," to have used the Patriot Act provision, Mr. Sampson said, even though he conceded that he had strongly advocated that the attorney general do just that.

    Many of the Republicans on the Judiciary Committee, including Senators Jon Kyl of Arizona, Jeff Sessions of Alabama and Charles E. Grassley of Iowa, made it clear that like the Democrats they remained extremely disappointed with the way the dismissals had been handled and explained.

    "The bottom line is we shouldn't have conflicting statements coming from somebody who is the top law enforcement officer of the United States, or his staff," Mr. Grassley said. "We expect them to be prepared to answer questions. Congress and the American people ought to get a consistent story, and we ought to be able to expect the truth."


     

    Rove’s Role in Fate of Prosecutors

    Jonathan Ernst/Getty Images

    Karl Rove at the Radio and Television Correspondents' Association dinner Wednesday night in Washington, where he participated in an improvised rap skit.

    March 29, 2007

    E-Mail Shows Rove's Role in Fate of Prosecutors

    WASHINGTON, March 28 — Almost every Wednesday afternoon, advisers to President Bush gather to strategize about putting his stamp on the federal courts and the United States attorneys' offices.

    The group meets in the Roosevelt Room and includes aides to the White House counsel, the chief of staff, the attorney general and Karl Rove, who also sometimes attends himself. Each of them signs off on every nomination.

    Mr. Rove, a top adviser to the president, takes charge of the politics. As caretaker to the administration's conservative allies, Mr. Rove relays their concerns, according to several participants in the Wednesday meetings. And especially for appointments of United States attorneys, he manages the horse trading.

    "What Karl would say is, 'Look, if this senator who has been working with the president on the following things really wants this person and we think they are acceptable, why don't we give the senator what he wants?' " said one former administration official. " 'You know, we stiffed him on that bill back there.' "

    Mr. Rove's role has put him in the center of a Senate inquiry into the dismissal of eight United States attorneys. Democrats and a few Republicans have raised questions about whether the prosecutors were being replaced to impede or jump-start investigations for partisan goals.

    Political advisers have had a hand in picking judges and prosecutors for decades, but Mr. Rove exercises unusually broad influence over political, policy and personnel decisions because of his closeness to the president, tenure in the administration and longstanding interest in turning the judiciary to the right.

    In Illinois, Mr. Rove once reprimanded a Republican senator for recommending the appointment of Patrick J. Fitzgerald, a star prosecutor from outside the state, to investigate the state's then-governor, a Republican. In New Jersey, Mr. Rove helped arrange the nomination of a major Bush campaign fund-raiser who had little prosecutorial experience. In Louisiana, he first supported and then helped scuttle a similar appointment.

    In the months before the United States attorneys in New Mexico and Washington State were ousted, Mr. Rove joined a chorus of complaints from state Republicans that the federal prosecutors had failed to press charges in Democratic voter fraud cases. While planning a June 21, 2006, White House session to discuss the prosecutors, for example, a Rove deputy arranged for top Justice Department officials to meet with an important Bush supporter who was critical of New Mexico's federal prosecutor about voter fraud.

    And in Arkansas, newly released Justice Department e-mail messages show, Mr. Rove's staff repeatedly prodded the department's staff to install one of his protégés as a United States attorney by ousting a previous Bush appointee who was in good standing.

    Senate Democrats and a few Republicans have called for Mr. Rove to testify publicly about the dismissals.

    "There is an issue of intrigue, and for better or worse, that surrounds Karl Rove," said Senator Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, the ranking Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee. "It is in the president's interest and the country's interest to have it dispelled or verified, but let's hear it from him."

    The White House, however, is offering only a private interview without a sworn oath.

    Congressional Democrats said they were focusing on Mr. Rove in part because the administration appeared to have tried to hide his fingerprints. In a February 23 letter to Senate Democratic leaders that was approved by the White House counsel's office, for example, the Justice Department said that no one in the White House had "lobbied" for any of the eight dismissals, and specifically denied that Mr. Rove had "any role" in the appointment of the protégé, J. Timothy Griffin, a former Bush campaign operative.

    But the Justice Department officials who drafted the letter had corresponded with Mr. Rove's staff just weeks earlier about how to get the nomination done. On Wednesday night, a department official apologized for inaccuracies in the letter.

    White House officials said Mr. Rove was just one voice in the approval of federal prosecutors, whose selection is traditionally guided by the recommendations of senior members of the president's party in their states.

    "Our job is to find qualified nominees who can win confirmation and be good public servants," said Dana Perino, a White House spokeswoman. After the United States attorneys are confirmed, she said, Mr. Rove and others at the White House show "wide deference" to the Justice Department about specific cases.

    Some Republicans say they always understood that Mr. Rove had a say in prosecutor appointments. "I basically felt when I was talking to Karl I was talking to the president," said former Senator Peter G. Fitzgerald, an Illinois Republican.

    Early in the Bush administration, Mr. Fitzgerald said, he sought to recruit a prosecutor who could investigate Gov. George Ryan of Illinois without fear of influence by the state's political powers. But Governor Ryan and his political ally Speaker J. Dennis Hastert argued to the White House that they should have a voice in the decision and insisted that someone from Illinois get the post. Mr. Fitzgerald, who had hired Mr. Rove as a consultant , called him to settle the question.

    "Peter, it is your pick," Mr. Rove told Mr. Fitzgerald, the former senator recalled. "But we don't want you to pick anybody from out of state. For your Chicago guy, it has to be from Chicago."

    Undeterred, Mr. Fitzgerald sidestepped the White House. He made only one recommendation — Patrick J. Fitzgerald, a New York prosecutor — announced it publicly, and drew public acclaim that made it unstoppable. Some time after the appointment, the former Senator Fitzgerald said, Mr. Rove "kind of yelled at me," telling him, "The appointment got great headlines for you but it ticked off the base"— a phrase that the senator took to refer to the state's Republican establishment.

    Tony Fratto, a White House spokesman, said Mr. Rove was simply pushing a general administration goal to appoint home-state prosecutors.

    Democrats have seized on a connection to Mr. Rove to attack a prosecutor's credibility. In New Jersey, William Palatucci, a Republican political consultant and Bush supporter, boasted of selecting a United States attorney by forwarding Mr. Rove the résumé of his partner, Christopher J. Christie, a corporate lawyer and Bush fund-raiser with little prosecutorial experience.

    Mr. Christie has brought public corruption charges against prominent members of both parties, but his most notable investigations have stung two Democrats, former Gov. James E. McGreevey and Senator Robert Menendez. When word of the latter inquiry leaked to the press during the 2006 campaign, Mr. Menendez sought to dismiss it by tying Mr. Christie to Mr. Rove, calling the investigation "straight out of the Bush-Rove playbook." (Mr. McGreevey resigned after admitting to having an affair with a male aide and the Menendez investigation has not been resolved.)

    Mr. Rove initially supported the 2002 nomination of Fred Heebe, a lawyer turned developer and a major Bush donor, for United States attorney in Louisiana. But after former romantic partners of Mr. Heebe raised accusations of abuse, which he denied, the White House backed off. Gov. Mike Foster publicly blamed Mr. Rove for the reversal. Local Republican women sent Mr. Rove's fax machine letters supporting Mr. Heebe, to no avail.

    Mr. Rove acts as a conduit to the White House for complaints from Republican officials around the country, including gripes about federal prosecutors. During the tight 2004 governor's race in Washington State, for example, Chris Vance, then chairman of the state's Republican party, complained to a member of Mr. Rove's staff about what he considered Democratic voter fraud.

    "When you are a state party chairman, the White House regional political director is just part of your life," Mr. Vance recalled. Mr. Vance said he never complained specifically about the United States attorney John McKay, who has been dismissed. Mr. Vance said he did not know if Mr. McKay had started an investigation.

    But in New Mexico, Mr. Vance's counterpart as well as the state's senior Republican, Senator Pete V. Domenici, both complained to Mr. Rove that the United States attorney David C. Iglesias was not prosecuting Democratic voter fraud.

    Mr. Rove readily took up their alarms. In an April 2006 speech to the Republican National Lawyers Association, he detailed accusations about Democratic abuses in several locations, including New Mexico and "the spectacle of Washington State." He also relayed the complaints to Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales and the White House counsel, Harriet E. Miers, and possibly Mr. Bush, the administration has recently acknowledged. The prosecutors in those two states, who have said they could not prove accusations of voter fraud, were among those ousted last year.

    In Arkansas, Representative John Boozman, the state's highest ranking Republican in Congress, said he recommended Mr. Rove's protégé, Mr. Griffin, for a United States attorney vacancy in 2004, in part because of his ties to Mr. Rove.

    A prosecutor in the Army Reserves, Mr. Griffin worked for Mr. Rove as an opposition researcher attacking Democratic presidential candidates in 2000. In between, for six months, the Justice Department had dispatched him to Arkansas to get experience as a prosecutor.

    "I have been in situations through the years where Tim and Karl were at," Mr. Boozman recalled. "I could tell that Karl thought highly of him." -

    Mr. Griffin dropped out of the running in 2004 when he accepted a campaign job for Mr. Rove, then became his deputy in the White House. But last summer, the department asked United States Attorney H. E. Cummins III to resign to make room and Mr. Rove's staff began talking with department officials about how to install Mr. Griffin despite Senate opposition, internal e-mail shows.

    Republican defenders of the Griffin appointment said it is hardly unheard of for a prominent official like Mr. Rove to call in such a favor.

    Ultimately, United States attorneys know they are political appointees, said Senator John Cornyn, Republican of Texas, who is close to Mr. Rove.

    "To suggest that these folks do not know or understand the process by which they are appointed, confirmed and retained," Mr. Cornyn said, "is to suggest that they are naïve."


     

    Your Chariot Awaits

    Nicole Bengiveno/The New York Times

    The Monteleone chariot at the Met, newly reassembled with an eye toward historical accuracy

    March 29, 2007

    A More Precise Version of Your Chariot Awaits

    For close to a century, schoolchildren have been paraded by the Monteleone chariot, one of the Metropolitan Museum's most prized objects. Teachers explained to them how in 1902 a farmer in a remote Italian village accidentally unearthed the remains of a tomb, which held the pieces of this 2,600-year-old Etruscan chariot.

    But the Met's curators long suspected that the chariot might not have been correctly assembled in 1903, the year the museum bought and reconstructed it. Among their most nagging questions was, how could the horses pulling the chariot have been harnessed to a straight pole?

    Their doubts were confirmed in 1989, when Adriana Emiliozzi, an Italian archaeologist and the world's leading expert in Etruscan chariots, stopped by the Met on a visit to New York.

    "I left her alone with the chariot for an hour," recalled Joan R. Mertens, a curator of Greek and Roman art. "And when I returned, she said, 'Can I show you how it should be put together?' Then she asked if at the time the museum bought the chariot, there weren't ivories found with it."

    "She was right," Ms. Mertens continued. "We did have a box of ivories that were in storage."

    Dr. Emiliozzi's insights set off a five-year restoration project, whose progress she oversaw on regular trips to New York. The timing was fortunate, coinciding with a re-examination of the Greek and Roman collection in anticipation of its move to new and vastly expanded galleries. The reconstructed and restored chariot, returning to public view after a decade's absence, now has pride of place as the centerpiece of the 30,000-square-foot new space, which opens on April 20. It is considered one of the best-preserved Etruscan objects anywhere.

    "Originally it looked like an easy chair on wheels," Ms. Mertens said, though adding that "it was a pretty good early restoration." Because no examples of complete Etruscan chariots were available in 1903, the original restorer worked solely from chariots depicted on ancient pottery and other objects.

    Made from bronze and wood and decorated with ivory, the Met's chariot is richly embellished. There are depictions of the mouth of a gorgon and the belly of a panther; heads of lions, rams, felines and boars; birds of prey; winged horses; and Achilles, the Greek hero of the Trojan War. Art historians believe it was made as a parade chariot for an important dignitary, to be used only for the grandest occasions.

    "Fancy cars always capture the imagination," Ms. Mertens said, explaining the chariot's popularity among visitors to the Met.

    "The Etruscans wouldn't have made these elaborate chariots had there not been a demand for conspicuous consumption," she said. "This is the ancient equivalent of the Beatles' famous Rolls-Royce."

    Dr. Emiliozzi pointed out some clues — in addition to the straight pole — that indicated that the original assembly was faulty.

    There is a visible outline where a boar's head had once been; the 1903 version placed the head further down on a support to which the bronze panels were mounted. There were the bronze lion heads that had been used as hubcaps in 1903; the tops of the heads showed traces of little feet, which could belong only to the youths adorning each side of the chariot.

    Even before she saw the chariot at the Met, Dr. Emiliozzi had had a hunch things weren't right. "I had already studied pictures of it before coming to New York," she said by telephone from Rome. "And I was immediately surprised to see that my research was basically correct."

    Dr. Emiliozzi's suspicions came from years of studying the remains of ancient chariots; there are about 300 in the world, but only 6 are reasonably complete. The Met's chariot, she said, is a "masterpiece of antiquity," not simply because of its elaborate decoration but also because it is so well preserved.

    The two-wheeled vehicle consists of a horseshoe-shaped car made of wood and covered with panels of bronze, in which the driver and his illustrious passengers stood. Two horses, on either side of the pole, would be yoked to the chariot with leather harnesses.

    The Met's conservators began the chariot's restoration by taking X-rays. "Through the wood you could see that the nails were mostly modern," said Kendra E. Roth, a Met conservator, referring to the 1903 construction.

    After studying the X-rays, the team took the entire chariot apart, carefully laying out, numbering and identifying every piece, down to the nails. Simply removing the nails took several months. The delicate task required carefully drilling around the tip of the nail so that it could be delicately pulled out with dental pliers without damaging the surface. The conservators were gratified to find that the ancient sheets of bronze had enough flexibility that they did not break during this procedure.

    Next the sheets were pried from their wood frame. In the process, conservators discovered decorative details that had been obscured by the misplacement of some pieces. They also found bits of Oriental paper with ink calligraphy marks — probably vestiges of the 1903 restoration — glued to the back of the panels as a sort of Band-Aid.

    Dr. Emiliozzi recognized that the pole needed to bend so that the harness would fit over the backs of the two horses. Making the correct bend was not a problem for the conservators, and faint traces of lashings on the front of the pole helped her to confirm that it was complete.

    As the conservators studied the chariot piece by piece, Dr. Emiliozzi made a life-size foam model of it to make sure all the pieces would fit. "We wanted to make a structure that fit original pieces," she said.

    At some point in its life, conservators discovered, the chariot had suffered a serious accident to its right side. This had broken off the lower legs and feet of the youths on that side and had damaged the right ear of the boar. It made the entire chariot asymmetrical.

    To reconstruct it correctly, a new substructure was made that took into account the chariot's lopsided features. Part of the structure was fashioned from seasoned wood, samples of which were exposed to accelerated heat and moisture to see how it would age. The rest was made from modern materials like plexiglass and foam, painted to resemble ancient wood.

    In 1903 the bronze surfaces had been given a coat of lacquer, which discolored over time. Conservators removed the lacquer but, Ms. Roth said, "we were careful not to take off any of the corrosion or burial soil."

    With the lacquer removed, the elaborate bronze figures came to life. Clearly visible now are decorative details like the boar's eyelashes, the fawn's spots and the rich patterns on the dress Achilles' mother wears.

    The question of how far to go in adding the original decorative flourishes to the chariot had to be addressed. The ivories were taken out of storage and carefully examined.

    "We did not know precisely where all the pieces go," Ms. Mertens said. "And we didn't want to just decorate it in a way that would take away from the wholeness of the object. So we chose to just put the tusks back on the boar's head."

    As the chariot is displayed now, it is missing the inlaid amber and other exotic materials that in ancient times would have embellished the eyes of an eagle, the boar and several mythological creatures. Asked why the museum decided not to introduce modern equivalents to replicate the chariot in all its original richness, Ms. Mertens replied: "Our aim is to show things as they are. We aren't a pastry shop — and this don't need tart."


     

    U.S. Iraq Role Is Called Illegal by Saudi King

    Hassan Ammar/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

    King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia during an Arab League meeting in Riyadh.

    March 29, 2007

    U.S. Iraq Role Is Called Illegal by Saudi King

    RIYADH, Saudi Arabia, March 28 — King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia told Arab leaders on Wednesday that the American occupation of Iraq was illegal and warned that unless Arab governments settled their differences, foreign powers like the United States would continue to dictate the region's politics.

    The king's speech, at the opening of the Arab League meeting here, underscored growing differences between Saudi Arabia and the Bush administration as the Saudis take on a greater leadership role in the Middle East, partly at American urging.

    The Saudis seem to be emphasizing that they will not be beholden to the policies of their longtime ally.

    They brokered a deal between the two main Palestinian factions last month, but one that Israel and the United States found deeply problematic because it added to the power of the radical group Hamas rather than the more moderate Fatah. On Wednesday King Abdullah called for an end to the international boycott of the new Palestinian government. The United States and Israel want the boycott continued.

    In addition, Abdullah invited President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran to Riyadh earlier this month, while the Americans want him shunned. And in trying to settle the tensions in Lebanon, the Saudis have been willing to negotiate with Iran and Hezbollah.

    Last week the Saudi king canceled his appearance next month at a White House dinner in his honor, The Washington Post reported Wednesday. The official reason given was a scheduling conflict, the paper said.

    Mustapha Hamarneh, director of the Center for Strategic Studies at the University of Jordan, said the Saudis were sending Washington a message. "They are telling the U.S. they need to listen to their allies rather than imposing decisions on them and always taking Israel's side," Mr. Hamarneh said.

    In his speech, the king said, "In the beloved Iraq, the bloodshed is continuing under an illegal foreign occupation and detestable sectarianism."

    He added: "The blame should fall on us, the leaders of the Arab nation, with our ongoing differences, our refusal to walk the path of unity. All that has made the nation lose its confidence in us."

    King Abdullah has not publicly spoken so harshly about the American-led military intervention in Iraq before, and his remarks suggest that his alliance with Washington may be less harmonious than administration officials have been hoping.

    Since last summer the administration has asserted that a realignment is occurring in the Middle East, one that groups Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon along with Israel against Iran, Syria and the militant groups that they back: Hezbollah and Hamas.

    Washington has urged Saudi Arabia to take a leading role in such a realignment but is finding itself disappointed by the results.

    Some here said the king's speech was a response to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's call on Monday for Arab governments to "begin reaching out to Israel."

    Many read Ms. Rice's comments as suggesting that Washington was backing away from its support for an Arab initiative aimed at solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israel wants the Arabs to make changes in the terms, most notably the call for a right of return for Palestinian refugees to what is today Israel. The Arab League is endorsing the initiative, first introduced by Saudi Arabia in 2002, without changes.

    The plan calls on Israel to withdraw from all land it won in the 1967 war in exchange for full diplomatic relations with the Arab world. It also calls for a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital.

    Regarding the Palestinians, the king said Wednesday, "It has become necessary to end the unjust blockade imposed on the Palestinian people as soon as possible so that the peace process can move in an atmosphere far from oppression and force."

    With regard to Iraq, the Saudis seem to be paying some attention to internal American politics. The Senate on Tuesday signaled support for legislation calling for a timeline for withdrawal from Iraq in exchange for further funding for the war.

    Last November, officials here realized that a Democratic upset could spell major changes for the Middle East: a possible pullout from Iraq, fueling further instability and, more important, allowing Iran to extend its influence in the region.

    "I don't think that the Saudi government has decided to distance itself from Bush just yet," said Adel alToraifi, a columnist here with close ties to the Saudi government. "But I also think that the Saudis have seen that the ball is moving into the court of the Democrats, and they want to extend their hand to Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi."

    Turki al-Rasheed, who runs an organization promoting democracy in Saudi Arabia, said the king was "saying we may be moving on the same track, but our ends are different."

    "Bush wants to make it look like he is solving the problem," Mr. Rasheed said. "The king wants to actually solve the problems."

    King Abdullah said the loss of confidence in Arab leaders had allowed American and other forces to hold significant sway in the region. "If confidence is restored it will be accompanied by credibility," he said, "and if credibility is restored then the winds of hope will blow, and then we will never allow outside forces to define our future nor allow banners to be raised in Arab lands other than those of Arabism, brothers."

    The Saudis sought to enforce discipline on the two-day meeting, reminding Arab leaders and dignitaries to stay on message and leave here with some solution in hand.

    "The weight of the Saudis has ensured that this will be a problem-free summit," said Ayman Safadi, editor in chief of the Jordanian daily Al Ghad. "Nobody is going to veer from the message and go against the Saudis. But that doesn't mean the problems themselves will be solved."

    Secretary General Ban Ki-moon of the United Nations gave a stark assessment in an address to the meeting, saying the region was "more complex, more fragile and more dangerous than it has been for a very long time."

    There is a shocking daily loss of life in Iraq, he said, and Somalia is in the grip of "banditry, violence and clan rivalries."

    Iran, which on Saturday had new sanctions imposed against it by the Security Council, is "forging ahead with its nuclear program heedless of regional and international concerns," Mr. Ban added.

    Having spent Monday and Tuesday in Jerusalem and the West Bank, Mr. Ban urged the new Palestinian government to demonstrate a "true commitment to peace."

    In return, he said, Israel must cease its settlement activity and stop building a separation barrier.

    He concluded, "Instability in the Arab League states is of profound significance to international peace and security."

    Nada Bakri contributed reporting from Beirut, Rasheed Abou-Alsamh from Jidda and Warren Hoge from Riyadh.


     

    Online Users Finish More Stories Than Print Readers

    Surprise: Study Finds Online Users Finish More Stories Than Print Readers

    By Joe Strupp

    Published: March 28, 2007 12:10 PM ET

    WASHINGTON In a surprise finding, online readers finish news stories more often than those who read in print, according to the Poynter Institute's Eyetrack study released Wednesday at the American Society of Newspaper Editors conference here.

    When readers chose to read an online story, they usually read an average of 77% of the story, compared to 62% in broadsheets and 57% in tabloids.

    The survey, in which 600 newspaper readers from six different newspapers were studied, utilized electronic eyetracking equipment that readers wore while they read broadsheet, tabloid and online editions of newspapers. The research, conducted last year, focused on 100 readers from each newspaper.

    The study looked at two tabloids, the Rocky Mountain News and Philadelphia Daily News; two broadsheets, the St. Petersburg Times and The Star-Tribune of Minneapolis; and two newspaper Web sites, at the Times and Star-Tribune.

    Readers spent 15 minutes during each reading session over a 30-day period, according to the report. "This is a very large scale study and this is hard data," said Sara Quinn, a Poynter researcher. "We were amazed by these numbers."

    Among the findings -- that more text was read online than in print.

    In addition, nearly two-thirds of online readers read all of the text of a particular story once they began to read it, the survey revealed. In print, 68% of tabloid readers continued reading a specific story through the jump to another page, while 59% did so in broadsheet reading.

    The research also found that 75% of print readers are methodical in their reading, which means they start reading a page at a particular story and work their way through each story. Just 25% of print readers are scanners, who scan the entire page first, then choose a story to read.

    Online, however, about half of readers are methodical, while the other half scan, the report found. The survey also revealed that large headlines and fewer, large photos attracted more eyes than smaller images in print. But online, readers were drawn more to navigation bars and teasers.

    Findings also revealed that news event photos received more attention than staged or studio images, while color got more interest than black and white.

    Research subjects also were quizzed about what they learned from a story, revealing that readers could answer more questions about a story when it included "alternative story forms," such as Q&A's, timelines, graphics, short sidebars, and lists.

    TESTING: Did you get this far in this story?

    For more information on the findings and visual elements of the Poynter report, go to www.poynter.org.


    Joe Strupp (letters@editorandpublisher.com) is a senior editor

     

    'Lonelygirl15'

    Ads Turning Up in 'Lonelygirl15'

    By GARY GENTILE
    The Associated Press
    Wednesday, March 28, 2007; 5:11 PM

    LOS ANGELES -- In last week's episode of the Web drama "Lonelygirl15," teen pals Bree, Daniel and Jonas are on the road, running from the mysterious evil group "The Order" when Daniel spots Bree clutching a small, lime-green box.

    "What's that? Daniel says.

    "Ice Breakers Sours Gum," Bree replies as the camera zooms in for a close-up _ on the box.

    After offering it to her buddies, Bree playfully pops the last four pieces into her mouth with a giggle.

    The exchange is more than just a light moment in a Web drama that's taken a dark turn. It's a paid advertisement known in the entertainment industry as a product placement, a way for the popular teen Internet soap opera to boost its finances.

    The show became a Web sensation last fall after episodes were posted on YouTube. The success continued even after it was revealed that the homespun videos were actually a scripted series created by three friends and starring 19-year-old actress Jessica Lee Rose.

    The creators have been searching for ways to raise money to keep the production going, including adding static advertisements to the end of each episode, with the proceeds split with the Internet site that now hosts the videos. They have also been soliciting donations from fans.

    As short, episodic entertainment begins to flourish on the Web, other show creators are also thinking of integrating ad messages into their plots. After all, the same has been done for years in films, TV shows and even video games.

    Advertisers are also looking to spend more money online as their traditional TV audience begins to splinter.

    "The goal was to raise awareness of the brand among our target consumers," said Kirk Saville, a spokesman for Hershey Co., which makes Ice Breakers. "It already has generated substantial interest on the LG15 site and blogs worldwide."

    Hershey and the creators of "Lonelygirl15" would not discuss the financial terms of the deal.

    The show's makers had hoped from the start that advertisers would pay to have their food, clothes, cell phones or other such products used by the show's characters.

    About a month ago, they were approached by Hershey's advertising agency. It turned out the brand manager for Ice Breakers gum was a big fan of the show and felt that featuring the product in an episode would reach the desired demographic.

    But the show's creators were concerned the fan base would rebel.

    "When we realized we were going to do it, we went on the forum and said a candy company approached us and wants to do an integration," co-creator Greg Goodfried said. "We told them Bree and Daniel will eat it. But we also said we're not going to do it if it pisses you off."

    Of the 200 people who responded, 90 percent approved, Goodfried said.

    Remarks posted online after the episode aired also ran mostly in favor.

    Web-based shows run the dangers of alienating their young, hip audiences if product placement is done clumsily, said Josh Bernoff of Forrester Research.

    "I think any podcast or mobisode that regularly includes product placement is likely to lose significant amounts of credibility," Bernoff said. "The product placement on television is very subtle and that's very hard to do."

    Product placement in Web video episodes dates back to 1995 and the first Internet soap opera, "The Spot," according to its creator Scott Zakarin.

    He now runs Zabberbox, a company producing several similar shows that are posted on Google Inc.'s YouTube. He said the shows, such as "NoHo Girls" and "VanNuys Guys" will soon also include product placement.

    A new episodic Web series co-created by former Walt Disney Co. CEO Michael Eisner will also include product placement, plus a way to purchase clothing and other items featured in the videos.

    Sponsors of the show "Prom Queen," which starts next week, include Fiji water, Teleflora.com and Victoria's Secret Pink.

    ___

    On the Net:

    http://www.lonelygirl15.com

    http://www.zabberbox.com

    http://www.promqueen.tv

  • The Iraqis who trusted America the most.

     

     

    A Reporter at Large

    Betrayed

    The Iraqis who trusted America the most.

    by George Packer March 26, 2007

     
    .. An Iraqi interpreter wears a mask to conceal his identity while he assists a soldier delivering an invitation to an Imam for a meeting with an American colonel. Photograph by James Nachtwey.

    An Iraqi interpreter wears a mask to conceal his identity while he assists a soldier delivering an invitation to an Imam for a meeting with an American colonel. Photograph by James Nachtwey.

    On a cold, wet night in January, I met two young Iraqi men in the lobby of the Palestine Hotel, in central Baghdad. A few Arabic television studios had rooms on the upper floors of the building, but the hotel was otherwise vacant. In the lobby, a bucket collected drips of rainwater; at the gift shop, which was closed, a shelf displayed film, batteries, and sheathed daggers covered in dust. A sign from another era read, "We have great pleasure in announcing the opening of the Internet café 24 hour a day. At the business center on the first floor. The management." The management consisted of a desk clerk and a few men in black leather jackets slouched in armchairs and holding two-way radios.

    The two Iraqis, Othman and Laith, had asked to meet me at the Palestine because it was the only place left in Baghdad where they were willing to be seen with an American. They lived in violent neighborhoods that were surrounded by militia checkpoints. Entering and leaving the Green Zone, the fortified heart of the American presence, had become too risky. But even the Palestine made them nervous. In October, 2005, a suicide bomber driving a cement mixer had triggered an explosion that nearly brought down the hotel's eighteen-story tower. An American tank unit that was guarding the hotel eventually pulled out, leaving security in the hands of Iraqi civilians. It would now be relatively easy for insurgents to get inside. The one comforting thought for Othman and Laith was that, four years into the war, the Palestine was no longer worth attacking.

    The Iraqis and I went up to a room on the eighth floor. Othman smoked by the window while Laith sat on one of the twin beds. (The names of most of the Iraqis in this story have been changed for their protection.) Othman was a heavyset doctor, twenty-nine years old, with a gentle voice and an unflappable ironic manner. Laith, an engineer with rimless eyeglasses, was younger and taller, and given to bursts of enthusiasm and displeasure. Othman was Sunni, Laith was Shiite.

    It had taken Othman three days to get to the hotel from his house, in western Baghdad. On the way, he was trapped for two nights at his sister's house, which was in an ethnically mixed neighborhood: gun battles had broken out between Sunni and Shiite militiamen. Othman watched the home of his sister's neighbor, a Sunni, burn to the ground. Shiite militiamen scrawled the words "Leave or else" on the doors of Sunni houses. Othman was able to leave the house only because his sister's husband—a Shiite, who was known to the local Shia militias—escorted him out. Othman took a taxi to the house of Laith's grandfather; from there, he and Laith went to the Palestine, where they enjoyed their first hot water in several weeks.

    They had a strong friendship, based on a shared desire. Before the war, they had both longed for the arrival of the Americans, expecting them to change their lives. They had told each other that they would try to work with the foreigners. Othman and Laith were both secular, and despised the extremist militias on each side of Iraq's civil war, but the ethnic conflict had led them increasingly to quarrel, to the point that one of them—usually Laith—would refuse to speak to the other.

    Laith began to describe these strains. "It started when the Americans came with Shia leaders and wanted to give the Shia leadership—"

    "And kick out the Sunnis," Othman interrupted. "You admit this? You were not admitting it before."

    "The Americans don't want to kick out the Sunnis," Laith said. "They want to give Shia the power because most Iraqis are Shia."

    "And you believe the Sunnis did not want to participate, right?" Othman said. "The Americans didn't give them the chance to participate." He turned to me: "You know I'm not just saying this because I'm a Sunni—"

    Laith rolled his eyes. "Whatever."

    "But I think the Shia made the Sunnis feel that they're against them."

    "This is not the point, who started it," Laith said heatedly. "Everybody is getting killed, the Shia and the Sunnis." He paused. "But if we think who started it, I think the Sunnis started it!"

    "I think the Shia," Othman repeated, with calm knowingness. He said to me, "When I feel that I'm pushing too much and he starts to become so angry, I pull the brake."

    Laith had a job with an American organization, affiliated with the National Endowment for Democracy, that encouraged private enterprise in developing countries. Othman had worked with a German group called Architects for People in Need, and then as a translator for foreign journalists. These were coveted jobs, but over time they had become so dangerous that Othman and Laith could talk candidly about their lives with no one except each other.

    "I trust him," Othman said of his friend. "We've shared our experiences with foreigners—the good and the bad. We don't have a secret life when we are together. But when we go out we have to lie."

    Othman's cell phone rang: a friend was calling from Jordan. "I had a vision that you'll be killed by the end of the month," he told Othman. "Get out now, please. You can stay here with me. We'll live on pasta." Othman said something reassuring and hung up, but his phone kept ringing, the friend calling back; his vision had made him hysterical.

    A string of bad events had given Othman the sense that time was running out for him in Iraq. In November, members of the Mahdi Army—the Shia militia commanded by the radical cleric Moqtada al-Sadr—rounded up Othman's older brother and several other Sunnis who worked in a shop in a mixed neighborhood. The Sunnis were taken to a local Shia mosque and shot. Othman's brother was only grazed in the head, but a Shiite soldier noticed that he was still alive and shot him in the eye. Somehow, he survived this, too. Othman found his brother and took him to a hospital for surgery. The hospital—like the entire Iraqi health system—was under the Mahdi Army's control, and Othman decided that his brother would be safer at their parents' house. The brother was now blind, deranged, and vengeful, making life unbearable for Othman's family. A few days later, Othman's elderly maternal aunts, who were Shia and lived in a majority-Sunni area, were told by Sunni insurgents that they had three days to leave. Othman's father, a retired Sunni officer, went to their neighborhood and convinced the insurgents that his wife's sisters were, in fact, Sunnis. And then, one day in January, Othman's two teen-age brothers, Muhammad and Salim, on whom he doted, failed to come home from school. Othman called the cell phone of Muhammad, who was fifteen. "Is this Muhammad?" he said.

    A stranger's voice answered: "No, I'm not Muhammad."

    "Where is Muhammad?"

    "Muhammad is right here," the stranger said. "I'm looking at him now. We have both of them."

    "Are you joking?"

    "No, I'm not. Are you Sunni or Shia?"

    Thinking of what had happened to his older brother, Othman lied: "We're Shia." The stranger told him to prove it. The boys had left their identity cards at home, for their own safety.

    Othman's mother took the phone, sobbing and begging the kidnapper not to hurt her boys. "We're going to behead them," the kidnapper told her. "Choose where you want us to throw the bodies. Or do you prefer us to cut them to pieces for you? We enjoy cutting young boys to pieces." The man hung up.

    After several more phone conversations, Othman realized his mistake: the kidnappers were Sunnis, with Al Qaeda. Shiites are not Muslims, the kidnappers told him—they deserve to be killed. Then they stopped answering the phone. Othman called a friend who belonged to a Sunni political party with ties to insurgents; over the course of the afternoon, the friend got the kidnappers back on the phone and convinced them that the boys were Sunnis. They were released with apologies, along with their money and their phones.

    It was the worst day of Othman's life. He said he would never forget the sound of the stranger's voice.

    Othman began a campaign of burning. He went into the yard or up on the roof of his parents' house with a jerrican of kerosene and set fire to papers, identity badges, books in English, photographs—anything that might incriminate him as an Iraqi who worked with foreigners. If Othman had to flee Iraq, he wanted to leave nothing behind that might harm him or his family. He couldn't bring himself to destroy a few items, though: his diaries, his weekly notes from the hospital where he had once worked. "I have this bad habit of keeping everything like memories," he said.

    Most of the people Othman and Laith knew had left Iraq. House by house, Baghdad was being abandoned. Othman was considering his options: move his parents from their house (in an insurgent stronghold) to his sister's house (in the midst of civil war); move his parents and brothers to Syria (where there was no work) and live with his friend in Jordan (going crazy with boredom while watching his savings dwindle); go to London and ask for asylum (and probably be sent back); stay in Baghdad for six more months until he could begin a scholarship that he'd won, to study journalism in America (or get killed waiting). Beneath his calm good humor, Othman was paralyzed—he didn't want to leave Baghdad and his family, but staying had become impossible. Every day, he changed his mind.

    From the hotel window, Othman could see the palace domes of the Green Zone directly across the Tigris River. "It's sad," he told me. "With all the hopes that we had, and all the dreams, I was totally against the word 'invasion.' Wherever I go, I was defending the Americans and strongly saying, 'America was here to make a change.' Now I have my doubts."

    Laith was more blunt: "Sometimes, I feel like we're standing in line for a ticket, waiting to die."

    By the time Othman and Laith finished talking, it was almost ten o'clock. We went downstairs and found the hotel restaurant empty, with no light or heat. A waiter in a white shirt and black vest emerged out of the darkness to take our orders. We shivered for an hour until the food came.

    There was an old woman at the cash register, with long, dyed-blond hair, a shapeless gown, and a macramé beret that kept falling off her head. I recognized her: she had been the cashier in 2003, when I first came to the Palestine. Her name was Taja, and she had worked at the hotel for twenty-five years. She had the smile of a mad hag.

    I asked if there had been any other customers tonight. "My dear, no one," Taja said, in English. The sight of me seemed to jar loose a bundle of memories. Her brother had gone to New Orleans in 1948 and forgotten all about her. There was music here in the old days, she said, and she sang a few lines from the Spaniels' "Goodnight, Sweetheart, Goodnight":



    Goodnight, sweetheart,
    Well it's time to go.
    I hate to leave you, but I really must say,
    Goodnight, sweetheart, goodnight.
    < SPAN>

    When the Americans first came, Taja said, the hotel was full of customers, including marines. She took the exam to work as a translator three times, but kept failing, because the questions were so hard: "The spider is an insect or an animal?" "Water is a beverage or a food?" Who could answer such questions?

    Taja smiled at us. "Now all finished," she said.

     

    MY TIME WILL COME

     

    Millions of Iraqis, spanning the country's religious and ethnic spectrum, welcomed the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. But the mostly young men and women who embraced America's project so enthusiastically that they were prepared to risk their lives for it may constitute Iraq's smallest minority. I came across them in every city: the young man in Mosul who loved Metallica and signed up to be a translator at a U.S. Army base; the DVD salesman in Najaf whose plans to study medicine were crushed by Baath Party favoritism, and who offered his services to the first American Humvee that entered his city. They had learned English from American movies and music, and from listening secretly to the BBC. Before the war, their only chance at a normal life was to flee the country—a nearly impossible feat. Their future in Saddam's Iraq was, as the Metallica fan in Mosul put it, "a one-way road leading to nothing." I thought of them as oddballs, like misunderstood high-school students whose isolation ends when they go off to college. In a similar way, the four years of the war created intense friendships, but they were forged through collective disappointment. The arc from hope to betrayal that traverses the Iraq war is nowhere more vivid than in the lives of these Iraqis. America's failure to understand, trust, and protect its closest friends in Iraq is a small drama that contains the larger history of defeat.

    An interpreter named Firas—he insisted on using his real name—grew up in a middle-class Shia family in a prosperous Baghdad neighborhood. He is a big man in his mid-thirties with a shaved head, and his fierce, heavily ringed eyes provide a glimpse into the reserves of energy that lie beneath his phlegmatic surface. As a young man, Firas was shut out of a government job by his family's religious affiliation and by his lack of connections. He wasted his twenties in a series of petty occupations: selling cigarettes wholesale; dealing in spare parts; peddling books on Mutanabi Street, in old Baghdad. Books, more than anything, shaped Firas's passionately melancholy character. As a young man, he kept a credo on his wall in English and Arabic: "Be honest without the thought of Heaven or Hell." He was particularly impressed by "The Outsider," a 1956 philosophical work by the British existentialist Colin Wilson. "He wrote about the 'non-belonger,' " Firas explained. Firas felt like an exile in his own land, but, he recalled, "There was always this sound in the back of my head: the time will come, the change will come, my time will come. And when 2003 came, I couldn't believe how right I was."

    Overnight, everything was new. Americans, whom he had seen only in movies, rolled through the streets. Men who had been silent all their lives cursed Saddam in front of their neighbors. The fall of the regime revealed traits that Iraqis had kept hidden: the greed that drove some to loot, the courage that made others stay on the job. Firas felt a lifelong depression lift. "The first thing I learned about myself was that I can make things happen," he said. "When you feel that you are an outcast, you don't really put an effort in anything. But after the war I would run here and there, I would kill myself, I would focus on one thing and not stop until I do it."

    Thousands of Iraqis converged on the Palestine Hotel and, later, the Green Zone, in search of work with the Americans. In the chaos of the early days, a demonstrable ability to speak English—sometimes in a chance encounter with a street patrol—was enough to get you hired by an enterprising Marine captain. Firas began working in military intelligence. Almost all the Iraqis who were hired became interpreters, and American soldiers called them "terps," often giving them nicknames for convenience and, later, security (Firas became Phil). But what the Iraqis had to offer went well beyond linguistic ability: each of them was, potentially, a cultural adviser, an intelligence officer, a policy analyst. Firas told the soldiers not to point with their feet, not to ask to be introduced to someone's sister. Interpreters assumed that their perspective would be valuable to foreigners who knew little or nothing of Iraq.

    Whenever I asked Iraqis what kind of government they had wanted to replace Saddam's regime, I got the same answer: they had never given it any thought. They just assumed that the Americans would bring the right people, and the country would blossom with freedom, prosperity, consumer goods, travel opportunities. In this, they mirrored the wishful thinking of American officials and neoconservative intellectuals who failed to plan for trouble. Almost no Iraqi claimed to have anticipated videos of beheadings, or Moqtada al-Sadr, or the terrifying question "Are you Sunni or Shia?" Least of all did they imagine that America would make so many mistakes, and persist in those mistakes to the point that even fair-minded Iraqis wondered about ulterior motives. In retrospect, the blind faith that many Iraqis displayed in themselves and in America seems naïve. But, now that Iraq's demise is increasingly regarded as foreordained, it's worth recalling the optimism among Iraqis four years ago.

    Ali, an interpreter in Baghdad, spent his childhood in Pennsylvania and Oklahoma, where his father was completing his graduate studies. In 1987, when Ali was eleven and his father was shortly to get his green card, the family returned to Baghdad for a brief visit. But it was during the war with Iran, and the authorities refused to let them leave again. Ali had to learn Arabic from scratch. He grew up in Ghazaliya, a Baathist stronghold in western Baghdad where Shia families like his were rare. Iraq felt like a prison, and Ali considered his American childhood a paradise lost.

    In 2003, soon after the arrival of the Americans, soldiers in his neighborhood persuaded him to work as an interpreter with the 82nd Airborne Division. He wore a U.S. Army uniform and a bandanna, and during interrogations he used broken Arabic in order to make prisoners think he was American. Although the work was not yet dangerous, an instinct led him to mask his identity and keep his job to himself around the neighborhood. Ali found that, although many soldiers were friendly, they often ignored information and advice from their Iraqi employees. Interpreters would give them names of insurgents, and nothing would happen. When Ali suggested that soldiers buy up locals' rocket-propelled grenade launchers so that they would not fall into the hands of insurgents, he was disregarded. When interpreters drove onto the base, their cars were searched, and at the end of their shift they would sometimes find their car doors unlocked or a mirror broken—the cars had been searched again. "People came with true faces to the Americans, with complete loyalty," Ali said. "But, from the beginning, they didn't trust us."

    Ali initially worked the night shift at a base in his neighborhood and walked home by himself after midnight. In June, 2003, the Americans mounted a huge floodlight at the front gate of the base, and when Ali left for home the light projected his shadow hundreds of feet down the street. "It's dangerous," he told the soldiers at the gate. "Can't you turn it off when we go out?"

    "Don't be scared," the soldiers told him. "There's a sniper protecting you all the way."

    A couple of weeks later, one of Ali's Iraqi friends was hanging out with the snipers in the tower, and he thanked them. "For what?" the snipers asked. For looking out for us, Ali's friend said. The snipers didn't know what he was talking about, and when he told them they started laughing.

    "We got freaked out," Ali said. The message was clear: You Iraqis are on your own.

     

    A PERSON IN BETWEEN

     

    The Arabic for "collaborator" is aameel—literally, "agent." Early in the occupation, the Baathists in Ali's neighborhood, who at first had been cowed by the Americans' arrival, began a shrewd whispering campaign. They told their neighbors that the Iraqi interpreters who went along on raids were feeding the Americans false information, urging the abuse of Iraqis, stealing houses, and raping women. In the market, a Baathist would point at an Iraqi riding in the back of a Humvee and say, "He's a traitor, a thug." Such rumors were repeated often enough that people began to believe them, especially as the promised benefits of the American occupation failed to materialize. Before long, Ali told me, the Baathists "made the reputation of the interpreter very, very low—worse than the Americans'."

    There was no American campaign to counter the word on the street; there wasn't even a sense that these subversive rumors posed a serious threat. "Americans are living in another world," Ali said. "There's an Iraqi saying: 'He's sleeping and his feet are baking in the sun.' " The U.S. typically provided interpreters with inferior or no body armor, allowing the Baathists to make a persuasive case that Americans treated all Iraqis badly, even those who worked for them.

    "The Iraqis aren't trusting you, and the Americans don't trust you from the beginning," Ali said. "You became a person in between."

    Firas met the personal interpreter of L. Paul Bremer III, the head of the Coalition Provisional Authority—which governed Iraq for fourteen months after the invasion—in the fall of 2003. Soon, Firas had secured a privileged view of official America, translating documents at the Republican Palace, in the Green Zone.

    He liked most of the American officials who came and went at the palace. Even when he saw colossal mistakes at high levels—for example, Bremer's decision to abolish the Iraqi Army—Firas admired his new colleagues, and believed that they were helping to create institutions that would lead to a better future. And yet Firas kept being confronted by fresh ironies: he had less authority than any of the Americans, although he knew more about Iraq; and the less that Americans knew about Iraq the less they wanted to hear from him, especially if they occupied high positions.

    One day, Firas accompanied one of Bremer's top political advisers to a meeting with an important Shiite cleric. The cleric's mosque, the Baratha, is an ancient Shiite bastion, and Firas, whose family came from the holy city of Najaf, knew a great deal about the mosque and the cleric. On the way, the adviser asked, "Is this a mosque or a shrine or what?" Firas said, "It's the Baratha mosque," and he started to explain its significance, but the adviser cut him short: "O.K., got it." They went into the meeting with the cleric, who was from a hard-line party backed by Tehran but who spoke as if he represented the views of all Iraqis. He didn't represent the views of many people Firas knew, and, given the chance, Firas could have told the adviser that the mosque and its Imam had a history of promoting Shia nationalism. "There were a million comments in my head," Firas recalled. "Why the hell was he paying so much attention to this Imam?"

    Bremer and his advisers—Scott Carpenter, Meghan O'Sullivan, and Roman Martinez—were creating an interim constitution and negotiating the transfer of power to Iraqis, but they did not speak Arabic and had no background in the Middle East. The Iraqis they spent time with were, for the most part, returned exiles with sectarian agendas. The Americans had little sense of what ordinary Iraqis were experiencing, and they seemed oblivious of a readily available source of knowledge: the Iraqi employees who had lived in Baghdad for years, and who went home to its neighborhoods every night. "These people would consider themselves too high to listen to a translator," Firas said. "Maybe they were interested more in telling D.C. what they want to hear instead of telling them what the Iraqis are saying."

    Later, when the Coalition Provisional Authority was replaced by the U.S. Embassy, and political appointees gave way to career diplomats, Firas found himself working for a different kind of American. The Embassy's political counsellor, Robert Ford, his deputy, Henry Ensher, and a younger official in the political section, Jeffrey Beals, spoke Arabic, had worked extensively in the region, and spent most of their time in Baghdad talking to a range of Iraqis, including extremists. They gave Firas and other "foreign-service nationals" more authority, encouraging them to help write reports on Iraqi politics that were sometimes forwarded to Washington. Beals would be interviewed in Arabic on Al Jazeera and then endure a thorough critique by an Iraqi colleague—Ahmed, a tall, handsome Kurdish Shiite who lived just outside Sadr City, and who was obsessed with Iraqi politics. When Firas, Ali, and Ahmed visited New York during a training trip, Beals's brother was their escort.

    Beals quit the foreign service after almost two years in Iraq and is now studying history at Columbia University. He said that, with Americans in Baghdad coming and going every six or twelve months, "the lowest rung on your ladder ends up being the real institutional memory and repository of expertise—which is always a tension, because it's totally at odds with their status." The inversion of the power relationship between American officials and Iraqi employees became more dramatic as the dangers increased and American civilians lost almost all mobility around Baghdad. Beals said, "There aren't many people with pro-American eyes and the means to get their message across who can go into Sadr City and tell you what's happening day to day."

     

    BADGES

     

    On the morning of January 18, 2004, a suicide truck bomber detonated a massive payload amid a line of vehicles waiting to enter the Green Zone by the entry point known as the Assassins' Gate. Most Iraqis working in the Green Zone knew someone who died in the explosion, which incinerated twenty-five people. Ali was hit by the blowback but was otherwise uninjured; two months later, he narrowly escaped an assassination attempt while driving to work. Throughout 2004, the murder of interpreters and other Iraqi employees became increasingly commonplace. Seven of Ali's friends who worked with the U.S. military were killed, which prompted him to leave the Army and take a job at the Embassy.

    In Mosul, insurgents circulated a DVD showing the decapitations of two military interpreters. American soldiers stationed there expressed sympathy to their Iraqi employees, but, one interpreter told me, there was "no real reaction": no offer of protection, in the form of a weapons permit or a place to live on base. He said, "The soldiers I worked with were friends and they felt sorry for us—they were good people—but they couldn't help. The people above them didn't care. Or maybe the people above them didn't care." This story repeated itself across the country: Iraqi employees of the U.S. military began to be kidnapped and killed in large numbers, and there was essentially no American response. Titan Corporation, of Chantilly, Virginia, which until December held the Pentagon contract for employing interpreters in Iraq, was notorious among Iraqis for mistreating its foreign staff. I spoke with an interpreter who was injured in a roadside explosion; Titan refused to compensate him for the time he spent recovering from second-degree burns on his hands and feet. An Iraqi woman working at an American base was recognized by someone she had known in college, who began calling her with death threats. She told me that when she went to the Titan representative for help he responded, "You have two choices: move or quit." She told him that if she quit and stayed home, her life would be in danger. "That's not my business," the representative said. (A Titan spokesperson said, "The safety and welfare of all employees, including, of course, contract workers, is the highest priority.")

    A State Department official in Iraq sent a cable to Washington criticizing the Americans' "lackadaisical" attitude about helping Iraqi employees relocate. In an e-mail to me, he said, "Most of them have lived secret lives for so long that they are truly a unique 'homeless' population in Iraq's war zone—dependent on us for security and not convinced we will take care of them when we leave." It's as if the Americans never imagined that the intimidation and murder of interpreters by other Iraqis would undermine the larger American effort, by destroying the confidence of Iraqis who wanted to give it support. The problem was treated as managerial, not moral or political.

    One day in January, 2005, Riyadh Hamid, a Sunni father of six from the Embassy's political section, was shot to death as he left his house for work. When Firas heard the news at the Embassy, he was deeply shaken: he, Ali, or Ahmed could be next. But he never thought of quitting. "At that time, I believed more in my cause, so if I die for it, let it be," he said.

    Americans and Iraqis at the Embassy collected twenty thousand dollars in private donations for Hamid's widow. At first, the U.S. government refused to pay workmen's compensation, because Hamid had been travelling between home and work and was not technically on the job when he was killed. (Eventually, compensation was approved.) A few days after the murder, Robert Ford, the political counsellor, arranged a conversation between Ambassador John Negroponte and the Iraqis from the political section, whom the Ambassador had never met. The Iraqis were escorted into a room in a secure wing of the Embassy's second floor.

    Negroponte had barely expressed his condolences when Firas, Ahmed, and their colleagues pressed him with a single request. They wanted identification that would allow them to enter the Green Zone through the priority lane that Americans with government clearance used, instead of having to wait every morning for an hour or two in a very long line with every other Iraqi who had business in the Green Zone. This line was an easy target for suicide bombers and insurgent lookouts (known in Iraq as alaasa—"chewers"). Iraqis at the Embassy had been making this request for some time, without success. "Our problem is badges," the Iraqis told the Ambassador.

    Negroponte sent for the Embassy's regional security officer, John Frese. "Here's the man who is responsible for badges," Negroponte said, and left.

    According to the Iraqis, they asked Frese for green badges, which were a notch below the official blue American badges. These allowed the holder to enter through the priority lane and then be searched inside the gate.

    "I can't give you that," Frese said.

    "Why?"

    "Because it says 'Weapon permit: yes.' "

    "Change the 'yes' to 'no' for us."

    Frese's tone was peremptory: "I can't do that."

    Ahmed made another suggestion: allow the Iraqis to use their Embassy passes to get into the priority lane. Frese again refused. Ahmed turned to one of his colleagues and said, in Arabic, "We're blowing into a punctured bag."

    "My top priority is Embassy security, and I won't jeopardize it, no matter what," Frese told them, and the Iraqis understood that this security did not extend to them—if anything, they were part of the threat.

    After the meeting, a junior American diplomat who had sat through it was on the verge of tears. "This is what always calmed me down," Firas said. "I saw Americans who understand me, trust me, believe me, love me. This is what always kept my rage under control and kept my hope alive."

    When I recently asked a senior government official in Washington about the badges, he insisted, "They are concerns that have been raised, addressed, and satisfactorily resolved. We acted extremely expeditiously." In fact, the matter was left unresolved for almost two years, until late 2006, when verbal instructions were given to soldiers at the gates of the Green Zone to let Iraqis with Embassy passes into the priority lane—and even then individual soldiers, among whom there was rapid turnover, often refused to do so.

    Americans and Iraqis recalled the meeting as the moment when the Embassy's local employees began to be disenchanted. If Negroponte had taken an interest, he could have pushed Frese to change the badges. But a diplomat doesn't rise to Negroponte's stature by busying himself with small-bore details, and without his directive the rest of the bureaucracy wouldn't budge.

    In Baghdad, the regional security officer had unusual power: to investigate staff members, to revoke clearances, to block diplomats' trips outside the Green Zone. The word "security" was ubiquitous—a "magical word," one Iraqi said, that could justify anything. "Saying no to the regional security officer is a dangerous thing," according to a second former Embassy official, who occasionally did say no in order to be able to carry out his job. "You're taking a lot of responsibility on yourself." Although Iraqi employees had been vetted with background checks and took regular lie-detector tests, a permanent shadow of suspicion lay over them because they lived outside the Green Zone. Firas once attended a briefing at which the regional security officer told newly arrived Americans that no Iraqi could be trusted.

    The reminders were constant. Iraqi staff members were not allowed into the gym or the food court near the Embassy. Banned from the military PX, they had to ask an American supervisor to buy them a pair of sunglasses or underwear. These petty humiliations were compounded by security officers who easily crossed the line between vigilance and bullying.

    One day in late 2004, Laith, who had never given up hope of working for the American Embassy, did well on an interview in the Green Zone and was called to undergo a polygraph. After he was hooked up to the machine, the questions began: Have you ever lied to your family? Do you know any insurgents? At some point, he thought too hard about his answer; when the test was over, the technician called in a security officer and shouted at Laith: "Do you think you can fuck with the United States? Who sent you here?" Laith was hustled out to the gate, where the technician promised to tell his employers at the National Endowment for Democracy to fire him.

    "That was the first time I hated the Americans," Laith said.

     

    CORRIDORS OF POWER

     

    In January, 2005, Kirk Johnson, a twenty-four-year-old from Illinois, arrived in Baghdad as an information officer with the United States Agency for International Development. He came from a patriotic family that believed in public service; his father was a lawyer whose chance at an open seat in Congress, in 1986, was blocked when the state Republican Party chose a former wrestling coach named Dennis Hastert to run instead. Johnson, an Arabic speaker, was studying Islamist thought as a Fulbright scholar in Cairo when the war began; when he arrived in Baghdad, he became one of U.S.A.I.D.'s few Arabic-speaking Americans in Iraq.

    Johnson, who is rangy, earnest, and baby-faced, thought that he was going to help America rebuild Iraq, in a mission that was his generation's calling. Instead, he found a "narcotic" atmosphere in the Green Zone. Surprisingly few Americans ever ventured outside its gates. A short drive from the Embassy, at the Blue Star Café—famous for its chicken fillet and fries—contractors could be seen, in golf shirts, khakis, and baseball caps, enjoying a leisurely lunch, their Department of Defense badges draped around their necks. At such moments, it was hard not to have uncharitable thoughts about the war—that Americans today aren't equipped for something of this magnitude. Iraq is that rare war in which people put on weight. An Iraqi woman at the Embassy who had seen many Americans come and go—and revered a few of them—declared that seventy per cent of them were "useless, crippled," avoiding debt back home or escaping a bad marriage. I met an American official who, during one year, left the Green Zone less than half a dozen times; unlike many of his colleagues, he understood this to be a problem.

    The deeper the Americans dug themselves into the bunker, the harder they tried to create a sense of normalcy, resulting in what Johnson called "a bizarre arena of paperwork and booze." There were karaoke nights and volleyball leagues, the Baghdad Regatta, and "Country Night—One Howdy-Doody Good Time." Halliburton, the defense contractor, hosted a Middle Eastern Night. The cubicles in U.S.A.I.D.'s new Baghdad office building, Johnson discovered, were exactly the same as the cubicles at its headquarters in Washington. The more chaotic Iraq became, the more the Americans resorted to bureaucratic gestures of control. The fact that it took five signatures to get Adobe Acrobat installed on a computer was strangely comforting.

    Johnson learned that Iraqis were third-class citizens in the Green Zone, after Americans and other foreigners. For a time, Americans were ordered to wear body armor while outdoors; when Johnson found out that Iraqi staff members hadn't been provided with any, he couldn't bear to wear his own around them. Superiors eventually ordered him to do so. "If you're still properly calibrated, it can be a shameful sort of existence there," Johnson said. "It takes a certain amount of self-delusion not to be brought down by it."

    In October, 2004, two bombs killed four Americans and two Iraqis at a café and a shopping center inside the Green Zone, fuelling the suspicion that there were enemies within. The Iraqi employees became perceived as part of an undifferentiated menace. They also induced a deeper, more elusive form of paranoia. As Johnson put it, "Not that we thought they'd do us bodily harm, but they represented the reality beyond those blast walls. You keep your distance from these Iraqis, because if you get close you start to discover it's absolute bullshit—the lives of people in Baghdad aren't safer, in spite of our trend lines or ginned-up reports by contractors that tell you everything is going great."

    After eight months in the Green Zone, Johnson felt that the impulse which had originally made him volunteer to work in Iraq was dying. He got a transfer to Falluja, to work on the front lines of the insurgency.

    The Iraqis who saw both sides of the Green Zone gates had to be as alert as prey in a jungle of predators. Ahmed, the Kurdish Shiite, had the job of reporting on Shia issues, and his feel for the mood in Sadr City was crucial to the political section. When a low-flying American helicopter tore a Shia religious flag off a radio tower, Ahmed immediately picked up on rumors, started by the Mahdi Army, that Americans were targeting Shia worshippers. His job required him to seek contact with members of Shiite militias, who sometimes reacted to him with suspicion. He once went to a council meeting near Sadr City that had been called to arrange a truce between the Americans and the Mahdi Army so that garbage could be cleared from the streets. A council member confronted Ahmed, demanding to know who he was. Ahmed responded, "I'm from a Korean organization. They sent me to find out what solution you guys come up with. Then we're ready to fund the cleanup." At another meeting, he identified himself as a correspondent from an Iraqi television network. No one outside his immediate family knew where he worked.

    Ahmed took two taxis to the Green Zone, then walked the last few hundred yards, or drove a different route every day. He carried a decoy phone and hid his Embassy phone in his car. He had always loved the idea of wearing a jacket and tie in an official job, but he had to keep them in his office at the Embassy—it was impossible to drive to work dressed like that. Ahmed and the other Iraqis entered code names for friends and colleagues into their phones, in case they were kidnapped. Whenever they got a call in public from an American contact, they answered in Arabic and immediately hung up. They communicated mostly by text message. They never spoke English in front of their children. One Iraqi employee slept in his car in the Green Zone parking lot for several nights, because it was too dangerous to go home.

    Baghdad, which has six million residents, at least provided the cover of anonymity. In a small Shia city in the south, no one knew that a twenty-six-year-old Shiite named Hussein was working for the Americans. "I lie and lie and lie," he said. He acted as a go-between, carrying information between the U.S. outpost, the local government, the Shia clergy, and the radical Sadrists. The Americans would send him to a meeting of clerics with a question, such as whether Iranian influence was fomenting violence. Instead of giving a direct answer, the clerics would demand to know why thousands of American soldiers were unable to protect Shia travellers on a ten-kilometre stretch of road. Hussein would take this back to the Americans and receive a "yes-slash-no kind of answer: We will take it up, we'll get back to them soon—the soon becomes never." In this way, he was privy to both sides of the deepening mutual disenchantment. The fact that he had no contact with Sunnis did not make Hussein feel any safer: by 2004, Shia militias were also targeting Iraqis who worked with Americans.

    As a youth, Hussein was an overweight misfit obsessed with Second World War documentaries, and now he felt grateful to the Americans for freeing him from Saddam's tyranny. He also took a certain pride and pleasure in carrying off his risky job. "I'm James Bond, without the nice lady or the famous gadgets," he said. He worked out of a series of rented rooms, seldom going out in public, relying on his cell phone and his laptop, keeping a small "runaway bag" with him in case he needed to leave quickly (a neighbor once informed him that some strangers had asked who lived there, and Hussein moved out the same day). Every few days, he brought his laundry to his parents' house. He stopped seeing friends, and his life winnowed down to his work. "You have to live two separate lives, one visible and the other one invisible," Hussein told me when we spoke in Erbil. (He insisted on meeting in Kurdistan, because there was nowhere else in Iraq that he felt safe being seen with me.) "You have to always be aware of the car behind you. When you want to park, you make sure that the car passes you. You're always afraid of a person staring at you in an abnormal way."

    He received three threats. The first was graffiti written across his door, the second a note left outside his house. Both said, "Leave your job or we'll kill you." The third came in December, after American soldiers killed a local militia leader who had been one of Hussein's most important contacts. A friend approached Hussein and conveyed an anonymous warning: "You better not have anything to do with this event. If you do, you'll have to take the consequences." Since Hussein was known to have interpreted for American soldiers at the start of the war, he said, his name had long been on the Mahdi Army's blacklist. It was not just frightening but also embarrassing to be a suspect in the militia leader's death; it undermined Hussein in the eyes of his carefully cultivated contacts. "The stamp that comes to you will never go—you will stay a spy," he said.

    He informed his American supervisor, as he had after the previous two threats. And the reply was the same: lie low, take a leave with pay. Hussein had warm feelings for his supervisor, but he wanted a transfer to another country in the Middle East or a scholarship offer to the U.S.—some tangible sign that his safety mattered to them. None was forthcoming. Once, in April, 2004, when the Mahdi Army had overrun Coalition posts all over southern Iraq, he had asked to be evacuated along with the Americans and was refused; his pride wouldn't let him ask again. Soon after Hussein received his third threat, his supervisor left Iraq.

    "You are now belonging to no side," Hussein said.

    In June, 2006, with kidnappings and sectarian killings out of control in Baghdad, the number of Iraqis working in the Embassy's public-affairs section dropped from nine to four; most of those who quit fled the country. The Americans began to replace them with Jordanians. The switch was deeply unpopular with the remaining Iraqis, who understood that it involved the fundamental issue of trust: Jordanians could be housed in the Green Zone without fear (Iraqis could secure temporary housing for only a limited time); Jordanians were issued badges that allowed them into the Embassy without being searched; they weren't subject to threat and blackmail, because they lived inside the Green Zone. In every way, Jordanians were easier to deal with. But they also knew nothing about Iraq. One former Embassy official, who considered the new policy absurd, lamented that a Jordanian couldn't possibly understand that the term "February 8th mustache," say, referred to the 1963 Baathist coup.

    In the past year, the U.S. government has lost a quarter of its two hundred and six Iraqi employees, and many have been replaced by Jordanians. Not long ago, the U.S. began training citizens of the Republic of Georgia to fill the jobs of Iraqis in Baghdad. "I don't know why it's better to have these people flown into Iraq and secure them in the Green Zone," a State Department official said. "Why wouldn't we bring Iraqis into the Green Zone and give them housing and secure them?" He added, "We're depriving people of jobs and we're getting them whacked. It's not a pretty picture."

    On June 6th, amid the exodus of Iraqis from the public-affairs section, an Embassy official sent a six-page cable to Washington whose subject line read "Public Affairs Staff Show Strains of Social Discord." The cable described the nightmarish lives of the section's Iraqi employees and the sectarian tensions rising among them. It was an astonishingly candid report, perhaps aimed at forcing the State Department to confront the growing disaster. The cable was leaked to the Washington Post and briefly became a political liability. One sentence has stuck in my mind: "A few staff members approached us to ask what provisions we would make for them if we evacuate."

    I went to Baghdad in January partly because I wanted to find an answer to this question. Were there contingency plans for Iraqis, and, if so, whom did they include, and would the Iraqis have to wait for a final American departure? Would any Iraqis be evacuated to the U.S.? No one at the Embassy was willing to speak on the record about Iraqi staff, except an official spokesman, Lou Fintor, who read me a statement: "Like all residents of Baghdad, our local employees must attempt to maintain their daily routines despite the disruptions caused by terrorists, extremists, and criminals. The new Iraqi government is taking steps to improve the security situation and essential services in Baghdad. The Iraq security forces, in coördination with coalition forces, are now engaged in a wide-range effort to stabilize the security situation in Baghdad. . . . President Bush strongly reaffirmed our commitment to work with the government of Iraq to answer the needs of all Iraqis."

    I was granted an interview with two officials, who refused to be named. One of them consulted talking points that catalogued what the Embassy had done for Iraqi employees: a Thanksgiving dinner, a recent thirty-five-per-cent salary increase. Housing in the Green Zone could be made available for a week at a time in critical cases, I was told, though most Iraqis didn't want to be apart from their families. When I asked about contingency plans for evacuation, the second official refused to discuss it on security grounds, but he said, "If we reach that point and have people in danger, the Ambassador would go to the Secretary of State and ask that they be evacuated, and I think they would do it." The department was reviewing the possibility of issuing special immigrant visas.

    To receive this briefing, I had passed through three security doors into the Embassy's classified section, where there were no Iraqis and no natural light; it seemed as if every molecule of Baghdad air had been sealed off behind the last security door. The Embassy officials struck me as decent, overworked people, yet I left the interview with a feeling of shame. The problem lay not with the individuals but with the institution and, beyond that, with the politics of the American project in Iraq, which from the beginning has been conducted under the illusion that controlling the message mattered more than the reality. A former official at the Embassy told me, "When we say that the corridors of power are insulated, is it that the officials aren't receiving the information, or is it because the construct under which they're operating doesn't even allow them to absorb it?" To admit that Iraqis who work with Americans need to be evacuated would blow a hole in the Administration's version of the war.

    Several days after the interview at the Embassy, I had a more frank conversation with an official there. "I don't know if it's fair to say, 'You work at an embassy of a foreign country, so that country has to evacuate you,' " he said. "Do the Australians have a plan? Do the Romanians? The Turks? The British?" He added, "If I worked at the Hungarian Embassy in Washington, would the Hungarians evacuate me from the United States?"

    When I mentioned these remarks to Othman, he asked, "Would the Americans behead an American working at the Hungarian Embassy in Washington?"

     

    THE HEARTS OF YOUR ALLIES

     

    In the summer of 2006, Iraqis were fleeing the country at the rate of forty thousand per month. The educated middle class of Baghdad was decamping to Jordan and Syria, taking with them the skills and the more secular ideas necessary for rebuilding a destroyed society, leaving the city to the religious militias—eastern Baghdad was controlled by the poor and increasingly radical Shia, the western districts dominated by Sunni insurgents. House by house, the capital was being ethnically cleansed.

    By that time, Firas, Ali, and Ahmed had been working with the Americans for several years. Their commitment and loyalty were beyond doubt. Just going to work in the morning required an extraordinary ability to disregard danger. Panic, Firas realized, could trap you: when the threat came, you felt you were a dead man no matter where you turned, and your mind froze and you sat at home waiting for them to come for you. In order to function, Firas simply blocked out the fear. "My friends at work became the only friends I have," he said. "My entertainment is at work, my pleasure is at work, everything is at work." Firas and his friends never imagined that the decision to leave Iraq would be forced on them not by the violence beyond the Green Zone but from within the Embassy itself.

    After the bombing of the gold-domed Shia mosque in Samarra that February, Sadr City had become the base for the Mahdi Army's roving death squads. Ahmed's neighborhood fell under their complete control, and his drive to work took him through numerous unfriendly—and thorough—militia checkpoints. Strangers began to ask about him. A falafel vender in Sadr City whose stall was often surrounded by Mahdi Army alaasa warned Ahmed that his name had come up. On two occasions, people he scarcely knew approached him and expressed concern about his well-being. One evening, an American official named Oliver Moss, with whom Ahmed was close, walked him out of the Embassy to the parking lot and said, "Ahmed, I know you work for us, but if something happens to you we won't be able to do anything for you." Ahmed asked for a cot in a Green Zone trailer and was given the yes/no answer—equal parts personal sympathy and bureaucratic delay—which sometimes felt worse than a flat refusal. The chaos in Baghdad had created a landgrab for Green Zone accommodations, and the Iraqi government was distributing coveted apartments to friends of the political parties while evicting Iraqis who worked with the Americans. The interpreters were distrusted and despised even by officials of the new government that the Americans had helped bring to power.

    In April, a Shiite member of the parliament asked Ahmed to look into the status of a Mahdi Army member who had been detained by the Americans. Iraqis at the Embassy sometimes used their office to do small favors for their compatriots; such gestures reminded them that they were serving Iraq as well as America. But Ahmed sent his inquiry through the wrong channel. His supervisor was on leave in the U.S., and so he sent an e-mail to a reserve colonel in the political section. The colonel refused to provide him with any information, and a couple of weeks later, in May, Ahmed was summoned to talk to an agent from the regional security office.

    To the Iraqis, a summons of this type was frightening. Ahmed and his friends had seen several colleagues report to the regional security office and never appear at their desks again, with no explanation; one had been turned over to the Iraqi police and was jailed for several weeks. "Don't go. They're going to arrest you," Ali told Ahmed. "Just quit. It's not worth it." Ahmed did not listen.

    The agent, Barry Hale, who carried a Glock pistol, questioned Ahmed for an hour about his contacts with Sadrists. The notion that Ahmed's job required him to have contact with the Mahdi Army seemed foreign to Hale, as did the need to have well-informed Iraqis in the political section of the Embassy. According to an American official close to the case, Hale had a general distrust of Iraqis and wanted to replace them with Jordanians. Another official spoke of a "paranoia partly founded on ignorance. If Ahmed wanted to hurt an American, he could have done it very easily in the three years he worked with us."

    Robert Ford, the political counsellor, spoke to top officials at the Embassy to insure that Ahmed—whom several Americans described as the best Iraqi employee they had worked with—would be "counselled" but not fired. Everyone assumed that the case was closed. But over the summer, after Ford's service in Baghdad ended, Hale started to pursue Ahmed again. "It was a witch hunt," one of the officials said. "They wanted to fire him and they were just looking for a reason. They decided he was a threat." The irony of his situation was not lost on Ahmed: he was suspected of giving information to a militia that would kill him instantly if they knew where he worked.

    In late July, Hale summoned Ahmed again. On Hale's desk, Ahmed saw a thick file marked "Secret," next to a pair of steel handcuffs.

    "Did you ever get a phone call from the Mahdi Army?" Hale asked.

    "I'll be lucky if I get a phone call from them," Ahmed replied. "My supervisor will be very happy."

    The interrogation came down to one point: Hale insisted that Ahmed had misled him by saying that the reserve colonel had "never answered" Ahmed's inquiry, when in fact the colonel had sent back an e-mail asking who had given Ahmed the detainee's name. Ahmed hadn't considered this an answer to his question about the detainee's status, and therefore hadn't mentioned it to Hale. This was his undoing.

    When Ahmed returned to his desk, Firas and Ali embraced him and congratulated him on escaping detention. Meanwhile, lower-ranking Embassy officials began frantically calling and e-mailing colleagues in Washington, some of whom tried to intervene on Ahmed's behalf. But by then it was too late. The new Ambassador, Zalmay Khalilzad, and his deputy were out of the country, and the official in charge of the Embassy was Ford's replacement, Margaret Scobey, a new arrival in Baghdad, who had no idea of Ahmed's value. Firas said of her, "She was really not into the Iraqis in the office." Some Americans and Iraqis described her as a notetaker for the Ambassador who sent oddly upbeat reports back to Washington. Two days after the second interrogation, Scobey signed off on Ahmed's termination, and ordered a junior officer named Rebecca Fong to go down to Ahmed's office and, in front of his tearful American and Iraqi colleagues, fire him.

    Ahmed later told an American official, "I think the U.S. is still in a war. I don't think you're going to win this war if you don't win the hearts of your allies." The State Department refused to discuss the case for reasons of privacy and security.

    Ahmed's firing demoralized Americans and Iraqis alike. Fong transferred out of the political section. For Firas, it meant that, no matter how long he worked with the Americans and how many risks he took, he, too, would ultimately be discarded. He began to tell himself, "My turn is coming, my turn is coming"—a perverse echo of his mantra before the fall of Saddam. The Iraqis now felt that, as Ali said, "Heaven doesn't want us and Hell doesn't want us. Where will we go?" If the Americans were turning against them, they had no friends at all.

    Three days after Ahmed's departure, Scobey appeared in the Iraqis' office to say that she was sorry but there was nothing she could have done for Ahmed. Firas listened in disgust before bursting out, "All the sacrifices, all the work, all the devotion mean nothing to you. We are still terrorists in your eyes." When, a month later, Khalilzad met with a large group of Iraqi employees to hear their concerns, Firas attended reluctantly. After the Iraqis raised the possibility of immigrant visas to the U.S., Khalilzad said, "We want the good Iraqi people to stay in the country." An Iraqi replied, "If we're still alive." Firas, speaking last, told the Ambassador, "We are tense all the time, we don't know what we are doing, right or wrong. Some Iraqis are more afraid in the Embassy than in the Red Zone"—that is, Baghdad. There was a ripple of laughter among the Iraqis, and Khalilzad couldn't suppress a smile.

    At this point, Firas knew that he would leave Iraq. Through the efforts of Rebecca Fong and Oliver Moss—who pulled strings with counterparts in European embassies in Baghdad—Ahmed, Firas, and Ali obtained visas to Europe. By November, they were gone.

     

    JOHNSON'S LIST

     

    On the morning of October 13th, an Iraqi official with U.S.A.I.D. named Yaghdan left his house in western Baghdad, in search of fuel for his generator. He saw a scrap of paper lying by the garage door. It was a torn sheet of copybook paper—the kind that his agency distributed to schools around Iraq, with date and subject lines printed in English and Arabic. The paper bore a message, in Arabic: "We will cut off heads and throw them in the garbage." Nearby, against the garden fence, lay the severed upper half of a small dog.

    Yaghdan (who wanted his real name used) was a mild, conscientious thirty-year-old from a family of struggling businessmen. Since taking a job with the Americans, in 2003, he had been so cautious that, at first, he couldn't imagine how his cover had been blown. Then he remembered: Two weeks earlier, as he was showing his badge at the bridge offering entry into the Green Zone, Yaghdan had noticed a man from his neighborhood standing in the same line, watching him. The neighbor worked as a special guard with a Shia militia and must have been the alaas who betrayed him.

    Yaghdan's request for a transfer to a post outside the country was never answered. Instead, U.S.A.I.D. offered him a month's leave with pay or residence for six months in the agency compound in the Green Zone, which would have meant a long separation from his young wife. Yaghdan said, "I thought, I should not be selfish and put myself as a priority. It wasn't a happy decision." Within a week of the threat, Yaghdan and his wife flew to Dubai, in the United Arab Emirates.

    Yaghdan sent his résumé to several companies in Dubai, highlighting his years of service with an American contractor and U.S.A.I.D. He got a call from a legal office that needed an administrative assistant. "Did you work in the U.S.?" the interviewer asked him. Yaghdan said that his work had been in Iraq. "Oh, in Iraq . . ." He could feel the interviewer pulling back. A man at another office said, "Oh, you worked against Saddam? You betrayed Saddam? The American people are stealing Iraq." Yaghdan, who is not given to bitterness, finally lost his cool: "No, the Arab people are stealing Iraq!" He didn't get the job. He was amazed—even in cosmopolitan Dubai, people loved Saddam, especially after his botched execution, in late December. Yaghdan's résumé was an encumbrance. Iraqis were considered bad Arabs, and Iraqis who worked with the Americans were traitors. The slogans and illusions of Arab nationalism, which had seemed to collapse with the regime of Saddam, were being given a second life by the American failure in Iraq. What hurt Yaghdan most was the looks that said, "You trusted the Americans—and see what happened to you."

    Yaghdan then contacted many American companies, thinking that they, at least, would look favorably on his service. He wasn't granted a single interview. The only work he could find was as a gofer in the office of a Dubai cleaning company.

    Yaghdan's Emirates visa expired in mid-January, and he had to leave the country and renew the visa in Amman. I met him there. The Jordanians had been turning away young Iraqis at the border and the airport for several months, but they issued Yaghdan and his wife three-day visas, after which they had to pay a daily fine, on top of hotel bills. After a week's delay, the visas came through, but, upon returning to Dubai, Yaghdan learned that the Emirates would no longer extend the visas of Iraqis. A job offer as an administrative assistant came from a university in Qatar, but the Qataris wouldn't grant him a visa without a security clearance from the Iraqi Ministry of the Interior, which was in the hands of the Shia party whose militia had sent him the death threat. He couldn't even become a refugee, which would have given him some protection against deportation, because the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees had closed its Emirates office years ago. Yaghdan had heard that the only way to get a U.S. visa was through a job offer—nearly impossible to obtain—or by marrying an American, so he didn't bother to try. He had reached the end of his legal options and would have to return to Iraq by April 1st. "It's like taking the decision to commit suicide," he said.

    While Yaghdan was in Dubai, news of his dilemma made its way through the U.S.A.I.D. grapevine to Kirk Johnson, the young Arabic speaker who had asked to be transferred to Falluja. By then, Johnson's life had been turned upside down as well.

    In Falluja, Johnson had supervised Iraqis who were clearing out blocked irrigation canals along the Euphrates River. His job was dangerous and seldom rewarding, but it gave him the sense of purpose that he had sought in Iraq. Determined to experience as much as possible, he went out several times a week in a Marine convoy to meet tribal sheikhs and local officials. As he rode through Falluja's lethal streets, Johnson eyed every bag of trash and parked car for hidden bombs, and practiced swatting away imaginary grenades. After a local sniper shot several marines, Johnson's anxiety rose even higher.

    In December, 2005, after twelve exhausting months in Iraq, during which he lost forty pounds, Johnson went on leave and met his parents for a Christmas vacation in the Dominican Republic. In the middle of the night, Johnson rose unconscious from his hotel bed and climbed onto a ledge outside the second-floor window. A night watchman noticed him staring at an unfinished concrete apartment complex across the road. The night before, the sight of the building had triggered his fear of the sniper, and he had instinctively dropped to the floor of his room. Standing on the ledge, he shouted something and then fell fifteen feet.

    Johnson tore open his jaw and forehead and broke his nose, teeth, and wrists. He required numerous surgeries on his shattered face, and stayed in the hospital for several weeks. But it was much longer before he could accept that he would not rejoin the marines and Iraqis he had left in Falluja. There were rumors in Iraq that he had been drunk and was trying to avoid returning. Back home in Illinois, healing in his childhood bed, he dreamed every night that he was in Iraq, unable to save people, or else in mortal peril himself.

    In January, 2006, Paul Bremer came through Chicago to promote his book, "My Year in Iraq." Johnson sat in one of the front rows, ready to challenge Bremer's upbeat version of the reconstruction, but during the question period Bremer avoided the young man with the bandaged face who was frantically waving his arms, which were still in casts.

    Johnson moved to Boston, but he kept thinking about his failure to return to Iraq. One day, he heard the news about Yaghdan, whom he had known in Baghdad, and that night he barely slept. It suddenly occurred to him that this was an injustice he could address. He could send money; he could alert journalists and politicians. He wrote a detailed account of Yaghdan's situation and sent it to his congressman, Dennis Hastert. But Hastert's office, which was reeling from the Mark Foley scandal and the midterm elections, told Johnson that it could not help Yaghdan. Johnson wrote an op-ed article calling for asylum for Yaghdan and others like him, and on December 15th it ran in the Los Angeles Times. A U.S.A.I.D. official in Baghdad sent it around to colleagues. Then Johnson began to hear from Iraqis.

    First, it was people he knew—former colleagues in desperate circumstances like Yaghdan's. Iraqis forwarded his article to other Iraqis, and he started to compile a list of names; by January he was getting e-mails from strangers with subject lines like "Can you help me Please?" and "I want to be on the list." An Iraqi woman who had worked for the Coalition Provisional Authority attached a letter of recommendation written in 2003 by Bernard Kerik, then Iraq's acting Minister of the Interior. It proclaimed, "Your courage to support the Coalition forces has sent home an irrefutable message: that terror will not rule, that liberty will triumph, and that the seeds of freedom will be planted into the hearts of the great citizens of Iraq." The woman was now a refugee in Amman.

    A former U.S.A.I.D. procurement agent named Ibrahim wrote that he was stranded in Egypt after having paid traffickers twelve thousand dollars to smuggle him from Baghdad to Dubai to Mumbai to Alexandria, with the goal of reaching Europe. When the Egyptian police figured out the scheme, Ibrahim took shelter in a friend's flat in a Cairo slum. The Egyptians, wary of a popular backlash against rising Shia influence in the Middle East, were denying Iraqis legal status there. Ibrahim didn't know where to go next: in addition to his immigration troubles, he had an untreated brain tumor.

    By the first week of February, Johnson's list had grown to more than a hundred names. Working tirelessly, he had found a way to channel his desire to do something for Iraq. He assembled the information on a spreadsheet, and on February 5th he took it with him on a bus to Washington—along with Yaghdan's threat letter and a picture of the severed dog.

    Toward the end of January, I travelled to Damascus. Iraqis were tolerated by Syria, which opened its doors in the name of Arab brotherhood. Yet Syria offered them no prospect of earning a living: few Iraqis could get work permits.

    About a million Iraqis were now in Syria. Every morning that I visited, there were long lines outside the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees office in central Damascus. Forty-five thousand Iraqis had officially registered as refugees, and more were signing up every day, amid reports that the Syrian regime was about to tighten its visa policy and had begun turning people back at the border.

    One chilly night, I went to Sayyida Zainab, a neighborhood centered around the shrine of the sister of Hussein, grandson of the Prophet and the central martyr of Shiism. This had become an Iraqi Shia district, and on the main street were butcher shops and kebab stands that reminded me of commercial streets in Baghdad. There were pictures of Shia martyrs, and also of Moqtada al-Sadr, outside the real-estate offices, some of which, I was told, were fronts for brothels. (Large numbers of Iraqi women make their living in Syria as prostitutes.) Shortly before midnight, buses from Baghdad began to pull into a parking lot where boys were still up, playing soccer. One bus had a shattered windshield from gunfire at the start of its journey. A minibus driver told me that the trip took fourteen hours, including a long wait at the border, and that the road through Iraq was menaced by insurgents, criminal gangs, and American patrols. And yet some Iraqis who had run out of money in Damascus hired the driver to take them back to Baghdad the same night. "No one is left there," he said. "Only those who are too poor to leave, and those with a bad omen on their heads, who will be killed in one of three ways—kidnapping, car bomb, or militias."

    In another Damascus neighborhood, I met a family of four that had just arrived from Baghdad after receiving a warning from insurgents to abandon their house. They had settled in a three-room apartment and were huddled around a kerosene heater. They were middle-class people who had left almost everything behind—the mother had sold her gold and jewelry to pay for plane tickets to Damascus—and the son and daughter hadn't been able to finish school. The daughter, Zamzam, was seventeen, and in the past few months she had been seeing corpses in the streets on her way to school, some of them eaten by dogs because no one dared to take them away. On days when there was fighting in her neighborhood, Zamzam said, walking to school felt like a death wish. Her laptop computer had a picture of an American flag as its screen saver, but it also had recordings of insurgent ballads in praise of a famous Baghdad sniper. She was an energetic, ambitious girl, but her dark eyes had the haunted look of a much older woman.

    I spent a couple of hours walking with the family around the souk and the grand Umayyad Mosque in the old city center. The parents strolled arm in arm—enjoying, they said, a ritual that had been impossible in Baghdad for the past two years. I left them outside a theatre where a comedy featuring an all-Iraqi cast was playing to packed houses of refugees. The play was called "Homesick."

    In the past few months, Western and Arab governments announced that they would no longer honor Iraqi passports issued after the 2003 invasion, since the passport had been so shoddily produced that it was subject to widespread forgery. This was the first passport many Iraqis had ever owned, and it was now worthless. Iraqis with Saddam-era passports were also out of luck, because the Iraqi government had cancelled them. A new series of passports was being printed, but the Ministry of the Interior had ordered only around twenty thousand copies, an Iraqi official told me, far too few to meet the need—which meant that obtaining a valid passport, like buying gas or heating oil, would become subject to black-market influences. In Baghdad, Othman told me that a new passport would cost him six hundred dollars, paid to a fixer with connections at the passport offices. The Ministry of the Interior refused to allow Iraqi Embassies to print the new series, so refugees outside Iraq who needed valid passports would have to return to the country they had fled or pay someone a thousand dollars to do it for them.

    Between October, 2005, and September, 2006, the United States admitted two hundred and two Iraqis as refugees, most of them from the years under Saddam. Last year, the Bush Administration increased the allotment to five hundred. By the end of 2006, there were almost two million Iraqis living as refugees outside their country—most of them in Syria and Jordan. American policy held that these Iraqis were not refugees, that they would go back to their country as soon as it was stabilized. The U.S. Embassies in Damascus and Amman continued to turn down almost all visa applications from Iraqis. So the fastest-growing refugee crisis in the world remained hidden, receiving little attention other than in a few reports from organizations like Human Rights Watch and Refugees International.

    Then, in early January, U.N.H.C.R. sent out an appeal for sixty million dollars for the support and eventual resettlement of Iraqi refugees. On January 16th, the Senate Judiciary Committee's subcommittee on refugees, chaired by Senator Edward M. Kennedy, of Massachusetts, held hearings on Iraqi refugees, with a special focus on Iraqis who had worked for the U.S. government. Pressure in Congress and the media began to build, and the Administration scrambled to respond. When an Iraqi employee of the Embassy was killed on January 11th, and one from U.S.A.I.D. on February 14th, statements of condolence were sent out by Ambassador Khalilzad and the chief administrator of U.S.A.I.D.—gestures that few could remember happening before.

    In early February, the State Department announced the formation of a task force to deal with the problem of Iraqi refugees. A colleague of Kirk Johnson's at U.S.A.I.D., who had been skeptical that Johnson's efforts would achieve anything, wrote to him, "Interesting what a snowball rolled down a hill can cause. This is your baby. Good going." On February 14th, at a press conference at the State Department, members of the task force declared a new policy: the United States would fund eighteen million dollars of the U.N.H.C.R. appeal, and it would "plan to process expeditiously some seven thousand Iraqi refugee referrals," which meant that two or three thousand Iraqis might be admitted to the U.S. by the end of the fiscal year. Finally, the Administration would seek legislation to create a special immigrant visa for Iraqis who had worked for the U.S. Embassy.

    During the briefing, Ellen Sauerbrey, the Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration, insisted, "There was really nothing that was indicating there was any significant issue in terms of outflow until—I would say the first real indication began to reach us three or four months ago." Speaking of Iraqi employees, she added, "The numbers of those that have actually been seeking either movement out of the country or requesting assistance have been—our own Embassy has said it is a very small number." Sauerbrey put it at less than fifty.

    The excuses were unconvincing, but the stirrings of action were encouraging. When Johnson, wearing the only suit he owned, took his list to Washington and dropped it off at the State Department and the U.N.H.C.R. office, the response was welcoming. But he pressed officials for details on the fates of specific individuals: Would Yaghdan be able to register as a refugee in Dubai, where there was no U.N.H.C.R. office, before he was forced to go back to Iraq? How could Ibrahim, trapped in Egypt without legal travel documents, qualify for a visa before his brain tumor killed him? Would Iraqis who had paid ransom to kidnappers be barred entry under the "material support" clause of the Patriot Act? (One Embassy employee already had been.) How would Iraqis who had no Kirk Johnson to help them—the military interpreters, the Embassy staff, the contractors, the drivers—be able to sign up as refugees or candidates for special immigrant visas? Would the U.S. government seek them out? Would they have to flee the country and find a U.N.H.C.R. office first?

    Thanks in part to Johnson's list, Washington was paying attention. Privately, though, a former U.S.A.I.D. colleague told Johnson that his actions would send the message "that it's game over" in Iraq, and America would end up with a million and a half asylum seekers. Johnson feared that the ingrained habit of giving yes/no answers might lower the pressure without solving the problem. His list kept growing after he had delivered it to the U.S. government, and the desperation of those already on it grew as well. By mid-March, Iraqis on the list still had no mechanism for applying to immigrate. According to the State Department, a humanitarian visa for Ibrahim would take up to six months. And Yaghdan's situation was just as dire now as it was when Johnson had written his op-ed. "No matter what is said by the Administration, if Yaghdan isn't being helped, then the government is not responding," Johnson told me.

    For him, it was a simple matter. "This is the brink right now, where our partners over there are running for their lives," he said. "I defy anyone to give me the counter-argument for why we shouldn't let these people in." He quoted something that President Gerald Ford once said about his decision to admit a hundred and thirty thousand Vietnamese after the fall of Saigon: "To do less would have added moral shame to humiliation."

     

    EVACUATION

     

    In 2005, Al Jazeera aired a typically heavy-handed piece about the American evacuation from Saigon, in April, 1975, rebroadcasting the famous footage of children and old people being pushed back by marines from the Embassy gates, and kicked or punched as they tried to climb onto helicopters. The message for Iraqis working with Americans was clear, and when some of those who worked at U.S.A.I.D. saw the program they were horrified. The next day at work, a small group of them met to talk about it. "Al Jazeera has their own propaganda. Don't believe it," said Ibrahim, the Iraqi who is now hiding out in Cairo.

    Hussein, the go-between in southern Iraq, had also begun to think about Vietnam. He had heard that America had left the Vietnamese behind, but he couldn't believe that the same thing would happen in Iraq. "We might be given a good chance to leave with them," he said. "I think about that, because history is telling me that they always have a moral obligation." To Hussein, the obligation was mutual, because he still felt indebted to the Americans for his freedom. I asked him what he would do if he found himself abandoned. Hussein thought about it, then said, "If I reach this point, and I am still alive when I see moral obligation taking the incorrect course, I will say, 'I paid my debt. I am free.' "

    At the end of the Vietnam War, Frank Snepp was the C.I.A.'s chief analyst at the American Embassy in Saigon. His 1977 book about the last days of the Vietnam War, "Decent Interval," describes how the willful ignorance and political illusions of top U.S. officials prevented any serious planning for an evacuation of America's Vietnamese allies. Thousands were left to the mercy of the Communists. The book contains a photograph of the author, thirty-one at the time, standing on the bridge of the U.S.S. Denver in the South China Sea, three days after being evacuated from Saigon by helicopter. He is leaning against the rail, his tan, handsome face drawn taut as he stares slightly downward. Recently, I asked Snepp what he had been thinking when the picture was taken.

    "I was overwhelmed with guilt," he said. "I kept hearing the voices on the C.I.A. radios of our agents in the field, our Vietnamese friends we wouldn't be able to rescue. And I had to understand how I had been made a party to this. I had been brought up in the Old South, in a chivalric tradition that comes out of the Civil War—you do not abandon your own. And that's exactly what I had done. It hasn't left me to this day."

    No conquering enemy army is days away from taking Baghdad; the city is slowly breaking up into smaller, isolated enclaves, and America's Iraqi allies are being executed one by one. It's hard to imagine the American presence in Iraq ending with a dramatic helo lift from a Green Zone landing pad. But, in some ways, the unlikelihood of a spectacularly conclusive finale makes the situation of the Iraqis more perilous than that of the South Vietnamese. It's easier for the U.S. government to leave them to their fate while telling itself that "the good Iraqis" are needed to build the new Iraq.

    American institutions in Vietnam were just as unresponsive as they are in Iraq, but, on an individual level, Americans did far more to evacuate their Vietnamese counterparts. In Saigon they had girlfriends, wives, friends, whereas Americans and Iraqis have established only work relationships, which end when the Americans rotate out after six months or a year. In the wide-open atmosphere of Saigon, many officials, including Snepp, broke rules or risked their lives to save people close to them. Americans in Baghdad don't have such discipline problems. A former Embassy official pointed out that cell phones and e-mail connect officials in Iraq to their bosses there or in Washington around the clock. "When you can always connect, you can always pass the buck," he said. For all their technology, the Americans in Baghdad know far less about the Iraqis than those in Saigon knew about the Vietnamese. "Intelligence is the first key to empathy," Snepp said.

    I asked Snepp what he would say to Americans in Iraq today. "If they want to keep their conscience clean, they better start making lists of people they must help," he said. "They should also not be cautious in questioning their superiors, and that's a very hard thing to do in a rigid environment."

    Richard Armitage, who was Deputy Secretary of State under Colin Powell during the first years of the Iraq war, served as a naval officer in Vietnam. In the last days of that war, he returned as a civilian, on a mission to destroy military assets before they fell into North Vietnamese hands. He arrived too late, and instead turned his energy to the evacuation of South Vietnamese sailors and their families. Armitage led a convoy of barely seaworthy boats, carrying twenty thousand people, a thousand miles across the South China Sea to Manila—the first stop on their journey to the United States.

    When I met Armitage recently, at his office in Arlington, Virginia, he was not confident that Iraqis would be similarly resettled. "I guarantee you no one's thinking about it now, because it's so fatalistic and you'd be considered sort of a traitor to the President's policy," he said. "I don't see us taking them in this time, because, notwithstanding what we may owe people, you're not going to bring in large numbers of Arabs to the United States, given the fact that for the last six years the President has scared the pants off the American public with fears of Islamic terrorism."

    Even at this stage of the war, Armitage said, officials at the White House retain an "agnosticism about the size of the problem." He added, "The President believes so firmly that he is President for just this mission—and there's something religious about it—that it will succeed, and that kind of permeates. I just take him at his word these days. I think it's very improbable that he'll be successful."

    I was in Baghdad when the Administration announced its new security plan—including an effort to stabilize Baghdad with a "surge" of twenty thousand additional troops. I spent a day with Lieutenant Colonel Steven Miska, who commands a small American base surrounded by a large Iraqi one in the old-line Shia district of Kadhimiya. Everywhere we went, Iraqi civilians asked him when the surge would begin. Two dozen men hanging out at a sidewalk tea shop seemed to have the new strategy confused with the Iraq Study Group Report; I took the mix-up to mean that they were desperate for any possible solution. A Shia potentate named Sheikh Muhammad Baqr gave me his version of the new plan over lunch at his house: the Americans were trying to separate the ten per cent of the population that belonged to extremist militias—whether Shia or Sunni—from what he called the "silent majority." If families evicted from mixed areas could be convinced to return to their homes, and if unemployed young men could be put to work, the plan had a chance of restoring confidence in the Americans. The Sheikh warned, "In six months you will have to see this plan work, or else the Iraqi people will tell the Americans to find another venue." The Sheikh had even less faith in the government of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, which he called a collection of "sectarian movements" brought to power by American folly. "We don't need democracy," he said. "We need General Pinochet in Chile or General Franco in Spain. After they clear the country, we'll have elections."

    Lieutenant Colonel Miska, for his part, described the security plan as an attempt to get Americans off the big bases and into Iraqi neighborhoods, where they would occupy small combat outposts on the fault lines of sectarian conflicts and, for the first time, make the protection of civilians a central goal. The new plan represented a repudiation of the strategy that the Administration had pursued for the past two years—the handover of responsibility to Iraqi security forces as Americans pulled out of the cities. President Bush had chosen a new commander in Iraq, General David Petraeus, who recently oversaw the writing of the Army and Marine Corps's new counter-insurgency manual. Petraeus has surrounded himself with a brain trust of counter-insurgency experts: Colonel H. R. McMaster, who two years ago executed a nearly identical strategy in the northern city of Tal Afar; Colonel Peter Mansoor; and David Kilcullen, an Australian strategist working at the State Department. Bush named Timothy Carney, a retired ambassador, to be his reconstruction czar in Iraq; Carney had left the Coalition Provisional Authority in disgust after seeing Bremer make mistake after mistake. After four years of displaying resolve while the war was being lost, the President has turned things over to a group of soldiers and civilians who have been steadfast critics of his strategy. It is almost certainly too late.

    In Baghdad, among Iraqi civilians and American soldiers, it's impossible not to want to give the new strategy a try. The alternative, as Iraqis constantly point out, is a much greater catastrophe. "I'm still hoping Bush's new plan can do something," Othman told me. In the weeks after the surge was announced, there were anecdotal reports of Shia and Sunni families returning to their homes. But even if this tentative progress continues, three major obstacles remain. The first is the breakdown of U.S. ground forces, in manpower and equipment; it isn't clear that the strategy can be sustained for more than six months—nowhere near enough time to repair the physical and social destruction of Baghdad.

    The second obstacle was described to me by an international official who has spent the past three years in Iraq. "The success of the American strategy is based on a premise that is fundamentally flawed," he said. "The premise is that the U.S. and Iraqi governments are working toward the same goal. It's simply not the case." Shia politicians, the official said, want "to hold on to their majority as long as they can." Their interest isn't democracy but power. Meanwhile, Sunni politicians want "to say no to everything," the official said; the insurgency is politically intractable.

    Finally, there is the collapse of political support at home. Most Americans have lost faith in the leadership and conduct of the war, and they want to be rid of it. More important than all the maneuverings in Congress, at the White House, and among the Presidential candidates is the fact that nobody wants to deal with Iraq anymore. The columnist Charles Krauthammer, the most ardent of neoconservative hawks, has found someone to blame for the war's failure: the Iraqis. He recently wrote, "We midwifed their freedom. They chose civil war." John Edwards, the Democratic Presidential candidate, is also tired of Iraqis. "We've done our part, and now it's time for them to step up to the plate," he recently told this magazine. "When they're doing it to each other, and America's not there and not fomenting the situation, I think the odds are better of the place stabilizing." America is pulling away from Iraq in the fitful, irritable manner of someone trying to wake up from an unpleasant sleep. On my last day in Baghdad, I had lunch with an Embassy official, and as we were leaving the restaurant he suddenly said, "Do you think this is all going to seem like a dream? Is it just going to be a fever dream that we'll wake up from and say, 'We got into this crazy war, but now it's over and we never have to think about Iraq again'?" If so, part of our legacy will be thousands of Iraqis who, because they joined the American effort, can no longer live in their own country.

    Othman and Laith are still in Baghdad. Earlier this month, Othman spent more than two thousand dollars on passports for his mother, his two younger brothers, and himself. He is hoping to move the family to Syria. Laith wants to find a job in Kurdistan.

    Firas, Ali, and Ahmed are now in Sweden. All three of them would have preferred to go to America. Ali had spent his childhood in the United States; Ahmed was fascinated with American politics; Firas never felt more at home than he had on their training trip, listening to jazz in Greenwich Village. Like all Iraqis who worked with Americans, they spoke in American accents, using American idioms. Ahmed delighted in using phrases like "from the horse's mouth" and "hung out to dry."

    I asked Firas why he hadn't tried to get a visa to the United States. "And what would I do with it?" he said.

    "Ask for asylum."

    "Do you think they would give me an asylum in the U.S.? Never."

    "Why?"

    "For the U.S. to give an asylum for an Iraqi, it means they have failed in Iraq."

    This wasn't entirely true. Recently, Iraqis who made it to America have begun filing petitions for asylum, and, because they undoubtedly face a reasonable fear of harm back home, a few of them have been accepted. A much larger number of Iraqis are still waiting to learn their fates: U.S.A.I.D. employees who jumped ship on training trips to Washington; Fulbright scholars who have been informed by the State Department that they have to go back to Iraq after their two- or three-year scholarships end, even if a job or another degree program is available to them in America. The U.S. government, for which Firas worked for three and a half years, had given him ample reason to believe that he could never become an American. Still, if he had somehow made it here, there is a chance that he could have stayed.

    Instead, he is trying to become a Swede. I met him one recent winter morning in Malmö, a city of eighteenth-century storefronts and modern industrial decay at the southern tip of Sweden, just across the Öresund Strait from Copenhagen. He was waiting to hear the result of his asylum petition while living with Ahmed in a refugee apartment block that was rapidly filling up with Iraqis. Since the war began, nearly twenty thousand Iraqis had arrived in the country. Firas was granted asylum in February.

    Sweden amazed Firas: the silence of passengers on trains; the intolerance for smoking; the motorists that wait for you to cross the street, as if they were trying to embarrass you with courtesy. When I joked that he would be bored living here, he laughed grimly and said, "Good. I want to be like other people—normal. How long before I can be afraid or shocked? There is nothing that makes me afraid or shocked anymore."

    We walked from the train station to the Turning Torso, a new apartment tower, designed by Santiago Calatrava, that twists ninety degrees on its axis as it rises fifty-four stories into the slate-gray sky, and drank Swedish Pilsners at the Torso Bar and Lounge. When the Americans came to Iraq, four years ago, Firas felt that he could finally begin his life. Now, at thirty-five, he was starting over yet again.

    I asked him if he felt betrayed by America.

    "I have this nature—I don't expect a lot from people," Firas said. "Not betrayed, no, not disappointed. I can never blame the Americans alone. It's the Iraqis who destroyed their country, with the help of the Americans, under the American eye." I was about to say that he deserved better, but Firas was lost in thought. "To this moment," he said, "I dream about America." ?