September 18, 2006

  • Pope Apologizes, Iraq Stumbling Police Forces, Giorgio Armani

    What Makes Giorgio Run?

    September 15, 2006    
    Nadav Kander
    September 17, 2006

    What Makes Giorgio Run?

    When Bono edited a special issue of the British newspaper The Independent this summer, he sent a copy to Giorgio Armani with an inscription scrawled around the front page. “Señor Armani,” it read. “You are an inspiration to me to not let go of detail and control of ideas and aesthetic. Only to God must we let go. A blessing … Bono.”

    Addressing the most famous living Italian as a Spanish “señor” and not “signore” doesn’t augur well for Bono’s future as a control freak. But, for all his charming Irish blarney, Bono, the lead singer of U2, had one thing right: no one could ever accuse Giorgio Armani of letting go.

    Take the scene backstage at the Emporio Armani men’s show in Milan last June. The models lined up while Armani put the finishing touches to their makeup. They lined up again while he knotted neckties, adjusted the angle of hats, ruffled handkerchiefs in top pockets and fussed over buttons. Then he showed each one exactly how to pose. Once they’d hit the runway, Armani, a lithe 72 in his summer uniform of a tight navy blue T-shirt and baggy shorts, raced to the entrance, where he scrutinized the show on a plasma screen. Whenever he spotted something amiss, Armani pointed it out to a colleague, who sprinted off to correct it.

    He isn’t just like this at show time. “I’ve never met anyone whose attention to detail is so obsessive,” notes Ron Frasch, the vice chairman of Saks Fifth Avenue. “He personally approves every necktie, every swatch of fabric. If you think of all the products his company puts out each year, that’s incredible.”

    Famous photographers who arrive to take his portrait must do it Armani’s way, right down to the lighting. Art directors are told exactly how to produce his ads. Musicians arrive for fittings to discover that Armani himself will be doing the pinning. Before the opening of the Teatro Armani building in Milan, its architect, Tadao Ando, remembers Armani checking the angle and sightline of each of the 558 seats. Pauline Denyer, the wife of the fashion designer Paul Smith, reports a sighting of him sweeping the sidewalk outside one of his Milan boutiques. The furniture designer Mario Bellini, who has lived next door to Armani on Via Borgonuovo in Milan for more than 20 years, observes: “Our neighbors say that every morning he wakes up, runs down the street to look at the windows of his stores on Via Manzoni. He makes a mental note of everything that’s wrong, and tells his staff.”

    That sort of dedication has paid off. After 30 years of extraordinary success, Giorgio Armani will go down in history as the man who defined the working wardrobe of the late-20th century and taught Hollywood how to dress. As the president, chief executive and sole shareholder of a company that generated 5 billion euros (about $6.4 billion) in retail sales last year, he is the world’s wealthiest fashion designer, with a fortune estimated by Forbes at $4.5 billion. Ask a fashionista to name the most important designer working today, and she’ll probably say Nicolas Ghesquière, of Balenciaga (at least she would this season). But if you asked anyone else — that’s the 99.9 percent of the population who buy clothes, rather than design, style or write about them — they’d say Giorgio Armani. “Like all the truly great designers in fashion history, Giorgio Armani is about style, not fashion,” observes Franca Sozzani, the editor in chief of Italian Vogue. “They find their style, and they stick to it, and that’s what he has done.”

    For all his wealth and fame, Armani still subjects himself every six months to the masochistic ritual of reassessment by the fashion press. He spends his days in meeting after meeting after meeting. He rarely walks, as if to do so would waste valuable time, but races from place to place chased by flustered assistants. Like their boss, they are dressed as if fresh from the gym, where Signore Armani, as they call him, works out for at least an hour each day. This, too, has paid off. Armani looks astonishingly buff for his age, despite his white hair and the deep wrinkles etched beneath his tan. The wrinkles lend character to his delicate features, but what you remember most from Armani’s face are his searing, ice-blue eyes.

    “Do I ever think of retiring?” he asks, repeating my question over lunch in Milan. “Yes. Some mornings I think, That’s it. I’ll visit my houses, sail my boat, go to the country, walk my dogs and buy Picassos. But that would mean the end, because my life is to work. My life would be empty. What would I do? I couldn’t travel with people my own age, because I have absolutely no inclination to spend time with old men and women. I much prefer to be around young people who challenge me. They keep me sharp and in touch with what’s happening. That’s why I carry on.”

    But what is the future of a company owned and run by a 72-year-old control freak? However profitable the brand and however smart and focused its founder (and Armani is preternaturally endowed with both qualities, as anyone unlucky enough to have negotiated with him will attest), the question is unavoidable. “The future is my biggest challenge,” admits Armani, who founded his business with his boyfriend 31 years ago by selling their Volkswagen Bug. “And I’m addressing it now.” But he’s been saying that for years.

    To understand Giorgio Armani, and why he is so driven, you have to go to Piacenza, the dour industrial city in the Emilia-Romagna region of northern Italy where he was born in 1934. There’s an Italian saying that if a stranger goes to Romagna, he or she would be given a glass of wine, but in Emilia, he would be lucky to get a glass of water; Piacenza is in Emilia.

    Life there was especially hard during Armani’s childhood. He was 5 when World War II began, and the local factories became a target of Allied bombing raids. His mother took him to live in a nearby village with his older brother, Sergio, and younger sister Rosanna, while their father stayed behind to work in the offices of Mussolini’s Fascist Party. Some of Armani’s friends were killed in the raids, and he and Rosanna had a close call when they spotted a bomber. “We jumped into a hole beside the road and hid beneath my jacket,” he says.

    After the war, he was badly injured by a land mine. A friend died, and Armani was hospitalized for 40 days. “I looked so horrible that when a friend came to see me, he fainted with shock,” recalls Armani, whose eyesight was permanently weakened. The family suffered financially when Armani’s father found himself out of work and condemned as a collaborator: “When I first saw the Italian neorealist films, I didn’t enjoy them at all. I’d lived the life, and I didn’t like to be reminded of it.”

    The dominant force in the family was Armani’s mother, Mariù. “We were a happy, loving family, but my mother was tough, very tough,” he says. “One night my parents went out, and so was my brother, leaving my sister and me alone in the house. I’d seen a film that had frightened me, and I couldn’t stop thinking about it. When my parents came back, I was crying. My mother said, ‘What’s wrong, Giò?’ When I told her, she slapped me. I wasn’t scared after that. She said very little, but her words were well chosen. I’m just like her.”

    Armani did well at school and won a place to study medicine at university. After serving in the military for two years, he abandoned his studies and in 1957 found a job as a display assistant and buyer at La Rinascente in Milan, then one of Europe’s chicest department stores. Shortly afterward, he fell in love with the architect Sergio Galeotti. Gabriella Forte, who met the couple in 1979 and worked for Armani until 1994, recalls: “Everything about Sergio was so elegant. The way he spoke, his posture, his clothes, his laughter, everything. And he spoke with such love of Giorgio.”

    After seven years at La Rinascente, learning about window dressing and merchandising, Armani joined the men’s-wear designer Nino Cerruti, where he was drilled in tailoring and production.

    In 1975 Galeotti persuaded Armani, then 40, to start his own label for both men and women. He would run the business, while Armani designed. Unusual for a designer, his work was equally appealing to both men and women, but Armani was blessed with luck as well as talent.

    By the mid-70′s, the influence of the French couturiers, who had dominated global fashion since Christian Dior unveiled his New Look in 1947, was waning. Locked in the couture tradition, the French clothing industry had not adapted to the expansion of the ready-to-wear market in the the late 60′s. The glittering exception was Yves Saint Laurent, but by the mid-70′s his health was declining.

    Italian manufacturers decided to fill the vacuum by investing in local designers, and did so on unusually favorable terms. They financed production and marketing and paid the designers a percentage of the profits. New designers like Armani and Gianni Versace could begin their businesses free from debt, with ambitious fashion shows and advertising campaigns. Armani and Galeotti did a deal with one of the biggest manufacturers, GFT.

    Like most new designers, Armani wanted to dress people his own age, and when he was 40, his taste was more conservative than that of the typical designer ingénue. He drew inspiration from the fashions of his youth, the 1930′s and 40′s. “People were so elegant and proper then,” he recalls. “I hated the styles of the 1960′s and 1970′s. Women in miniskirts looking like roast pigs with fat legs.” As youth culture erupted in punk nihilism, Armani unveiled what would become his signature style: a soft, deconstructed suit. He took the business uniform of the day, which was stiff and heavily structured — another legacy of the French couture tradition — and removed the stiffness, as Neapolitan tailors had done for years in the light suits they created for the Mediterranean heat.

    He refined their deconstructed tailoring by finessing the cut, developing beautiful fabrics and experimenting with new styles of collars, fastenings and cuffs. Armani feminized men’s tailoring, using cuts and fabrics traditionally reserved for women, while adding the same ease to women’s wear but with an elegant authority. He targeted the largest and most affluent part of the market — the over-35 crowd — where there was less competition and a genuine need for change.

    What we now think of as classic Armani — his studied simplicity — was reflected in the work of contemporary Italian furniture designers like Bellini and Vico Magistretti. His use of neutral colors — beiges, grays and blacks — and muted patterns was evocative of Milanese architecture and, more particularly, the lowlands around Piacenza, where, observes Carlo Antonelli, the editor in chief of the Italian edition of Rolling Stone, “there is a strange light and a strange mist.”

    Armani insisted on creating his own advertising, helped by his sister Rosanna and inspired by images from his favorite Visconti and Bertolucci movies. Armed with GFT’s investment, they booked the back page of every issue of L’Uomo Vogue magazine. “As soon as it arrived, I’d turn to the Armani ad,” Paul Smith remembers. “His techniques were radical for the time. He treated fabric in ways that no one had done before. My wife, Pauline, was teaching fashion design, and her students begged to see what he’d done next.”

    The L’Uomo Vogue ads so impressed Fred Pressman, the owner of Barneys New York, that, in 1976, he phoned the Italian Trade Commission in New York trying to track down Armani and spoke with Forte, who was working there. “I had no clue who Giorgio Armani was, but I found his name in the Milan telephone directory,” she says. “It was 5 p.m. in New York, and I dialed totally forgetting that it was 11 p.m. in Milan. Sergio said: ‘I don’t know when we’ll be in New York, we have a lot going on.’ I didn’t realize that they’d just started and had very little going on.” Barneys placed a large order, and Forte later joined Armani, first to develop the United States retail business and then, after 1985, to be his right hand worldwide.

    Another stroke of luck was a call from the filmmaker Paul Schrader, an Armani customer at Maxfield in Hollywood. He asked whether Armani would do John Travolta’s wardrobe for his next movie, “American Gigolo.” Armani agreed, only to have to alter the clothes when Travolta dropped out and was replaced by a then-unknown named Richard Gere. Louche and sexy, Gere was perfectly cast for the narcissism of the moment — after disco but before AIDS, when gym culture was taking off and even straight men were losing their hang-ups about being seen to look good. In one scene, the bare-chested Gere bops around his bedroom composing outfits of lush Armani suits with color-coordinated shirts and ties. It was a priceless advertisement.

    The brand hit the mainstream when the economy was buoyant and a new breed of executive was emerging: young, urban professionals, who adopted Armani as their uniform. In 1982, Time magazine ran a cover article on “Giorgio’s Gorgeous Style.” Success in the United States made Armani a hero in Italy, where, after the trauma of 1970′s terrorism, he was hailed as a catalyst of the country’s economic resurgence.

    By the mid-80′s, he and Galeotti could exercise more control over the way the collection was promoted and sold. Like other Italian labels, Armani demanded favorable coverage from magazines in return for advertising, a practice that designers in other countries soon adopted. He also told department stores how to design their sales areas and imposed quotas on the orders, insisting that a specific proportion was spent on new pieces shown on the runway, with the remainder on classic designs. “You couldn’t go in and say, ‘I want so many jackets, and this and that,”‘ recalls Ron Frasch, who was then at Neiman Marcus. “They decided how you bought and presented the collection. And you couldn’t say no. Mr. Armani was it.”

    Armani and Galeotti enjoyed their newfound wealth. They bought a holiday home on the island of Pantelleria and rented a palazzo to house their apartment and the business. Armani bought a house for his mother, his father having died in 1960. “I gave her a life that she could never have imagined with a housekeeper, a chauffeur and a dog. One day she said to me, ‘Giorgio, thank you, but it’s too late.”‘

    In 1985, Galeotti died. Not only did Armani have to cope with the loss of his partner of nearly 30 years, but he also had to learn how to run a global business from scratch: “Sometimes it was very, very difficult to have to handle things on my own, but Sergio wouldn’t have wanted someone else to take his place.” Armani says that his biggest problem was dealing with lawyers: “It was as if they were speaking a secret language. But I learned. Eventually I had the confidence to tell the lawyer who’d worked for me for years that he was too expensive.”

    Today it is hard to imagine that he ever faltered. As the global luxury industry has expanded, so has Armani, which now owns more than 350 stores worldwide and employs nearly 5,000 people. The company has moved into new countries, notably China and Russia, and new markets, from Armani Jeans at one end of the price scale to the Armani Privé couture collection at the other. It has also expanded into new product sectors, like Armani Casa and cosmetics. Next up is a range of skin-care products and a luxury hotel chain. Armani is even tapping into the burgeoning market for conscientious consumption through his involvement with American Express, Motorola and the Gap on the launch of the Red range of products, a percentage of whose profits will be donated to the Global Fund for AIDS.

    Armani’s discipline and steeliness have served him well in business. “He has tremendous clarity of vision,” notes Alexander Vreeland, the president of the GAV apparel company, who worked for Armani in the 1990′s. “I’ve sat with him in meetings dealing with a broad spectrum of complex business issues, and he demonstrated an incredible grasp of detail and innovative solutions.”

    The designer has also acquired a taste for cutting deals. “I really enjoy it,” he says with relish. “I don’t look like a businessman, or dress like one, and that’s an advantage, because it throws my opponents.” When GFT hit a rough spot, Armani bought up the factories that made his products. Three years ago he severed one of his oldest and most profitable licensees with Luxottica, the Italian eyewear maker run by Leonardo Del Vecchio. “It had been a great business for us both, but I’d said from the start that I wanted to have the last word on the collection,” Armani says. “One day Mr. Del Vecchio came to me saying that he wanted the last word. That was it.”

    Armani has eight homes — from a pied-à-terre on Central Park West to a 1950′s mansion near Piacenza — but spends almost all of his time in the Via Borgonuovo apartment beside his studio and office. Occasional weekends are spent at his houses in Forte dei Marmi, Portofino and

    St.-Tropez, and he visits Pantelleria every August and the Caribbean at Christmas. He travels with an entourage of employees and relatives, all of whom work for the company: Rosanna, as an art director; her son Andrea, on the commercial side; and Sergio Armani’s daughters, Silvana as a designer and Roberta in public relations.

    He has little interest in socializing outside that circle. “I don’t feel comfortable with the jet set,” he admits. “It just isn’t me.” At a lunch for his couture clients after the Armani Privé show in Paris last July, Armani spoke politely to the guests at his table in French and Italian (he has never learned English) before darting off to discuss the arrangements for an afternoon meeting with his cosmetics licensee L’Oréal. Armani’s employees whisper that he has a fiery temper when things go awry, but in conversation he is crisply polite, though his courtesy sometimes seems like a ploy to dispense with people swiftly. Even in his youth, there was no “lost” period of partying for Armani. The only time he remembers being drunk was at his niece Roberta’s wedding. “He was so funny,” she recalls, “jumping up to sing ‘O Sole Mio’ with Bryan Adams.” Armani is often spoken of in fashion circles as a forlorn, isolated figure, but he seems more like an exceptionally determined character who has organized his life exactly as he likes it.

    By the otherworldly standards of a multibillionaire, that life is relatively frugal. Deal-making aside, his principal passion is still cinema. Armani’s face lights up when he talks about it, calling out to colleagues to remind him of the name of an obscure Roberto Rossellini or Vittorio de Sica picture. “One of the things that connects us is a love of Italian neorealist cinema,” says the director Martin Scorsese, who has known Armani since the early 1980′s. “He’s tremendously knowledgeable about it.” Rather than build a screening room, Armani prefers to see movies in local cinemas. “People are always surprised to see me there, but for me part of the pleasure of seeing a film is to watch it with other people,” he says. His chief extravagance is the $15 million boat he bought three years ago and has since refitted in his favorite grays and beiges, with matte metalwork and black ropes, and named Mariù after his mother. “He could never quite reconcile himself to having spent so much money on the boat,” recounts an employee. “But then he was told that he could charter it.” The Mariù has proved so popular — the gallery owner Larry Gagosian holidayed on it this summer — that Armani is designing a second boat to be chartered, too.

    Not everything has worked. The jury is still out on Armani Casa, and we have yet to see an Armani “It” bag, but the disappointments pale beside the achievements. As Fiat and the other industrial dynasties that dominated postwar Italy have declined, Armani has thrived. “He represents the side of Italy that we like to show to the world, the disciplined, hardworking side,” observes Mario Bellini. “‘King Giorgio,’ that’s what the Italian newspapers call him.”

    The fashion press isn’t as obsequious. Editors have always preferred fragile neurasthenics like Yves Saint Laurent, who suffer for their “art,” to doughty pragmatists. They also prefer new looks to timelessly elegant classics and complain that Armani never does anything new. That said, the reviews are much more favorable for his classic collections than for creative stretches like last fall’s roundly criticized women’s silk bloomers. He doesn’t help matters by firing off complaints about critical coverage.

    The company is equally highhanded in dealing with retailers, who still have to buy their quota from the runway show alongside the classics, regardless of whether they want to. “Recently there have been some awkward, over-the-top pieces on the runway,” says one retailer, who asked not to be named so as not to jeopardize the merchant’s relationship with the company. “We’re buying them because we have to, but the customers aren’t. Thank God that there’s a large classic component in the collection.” When it comes to retail real estate, Armani is equally inflexible. Says another retailer: “There’s a bit of polite Italian banter, but basically they come in and say, ‘We want this position, and the fit-out will be like this.’ There’s no negotiation and no compromise. And there’s nothing you can do because the selling power of the Armani brand is so immense. It’s just huge.”

    Armani’s selling power is still increasing — with gross sales, according to company reports, up 10 percent to 1.43 billion euros, or about $1.8 billion, last year. And while the ascent of the personal stylist has ended his dominance on the red carpet, Armani is still the label of choice for the creative establishment. Scorsese loves “the classic simplicity” of his clothes, and for the producer Harvey Weinstein, it’s “always Armani for formal occasions.” The theater director Robert Wilson says that Armani’s designs “make people look good and quiet and feel comfortable.”

    To members of the fashion press, that’s about as exciting as saying that his clothes last for years, that you get expert service at the Armani counter and that his cuts and cross-weaves cleverly flatter older, plumper figures. Herein lies the dislocation between the fashionista’s image of Armani and the public’s. Most of the people who buy expensive clothes aren’t obsessively cool 20-year-olds; they’re years older and pounds heavier. They don’t have the time or confidence to aspire to dress fashionably, and as Armani’s classics have never let them down, they buy them again. “Armani is a safe bet, and that’s what most people want,” says the brand consultant Susanne Tide-Frater, a former creative director of Selfridges and Harrods in London.

    “The thing about Giorgio Armani is that he owns sophistication. No one else in the market does.”

    All of Armani’s marketing evokes that quality. He and Rosanna have worked with many famous fashion photographers over the years, from Peter Lindbergh to Mert and Marcus, but Armani ads always look the same. “They have the grabbed quality of cinema, and the heightened realism of Visconti’s neorealist films,” Scorsese says. Rather than telling a story about that season’s collection, as Prada and Marc Jacobs do, Armani’s campaigns convey a single generic message: sophistication. By using the same elegant serif typeface across every product line, Armani ensures that the sight of one logo reminds the customers of all of the others, too. The marketing is so clear and consistent that even those with no knowledge of fashion remember the name and what it represents, just as they do with a BMW or a Mercedes logo. As a result, the brand has more in common with those luxury marquees than the hot fashion labels of the moment.

    So far, success has enabled Armani to rebuff the luxury conglomerates and investment bankers who have trooped through Via Borgonuovo hoping to buy his business. One of Armani’s favorite stories is of a visit by four Italian industrialists who wanted to buy his company with an elderly banker: “He was the most powerful man in Italian banking, and while the others spoke, he sat there, not saying a word. Then he looked over at the other men and said: ‘My dear sirs, Mr. Armani doesn’t need us. Let’s go.”‘

    Success has also allowed Armani to ignore the question of succession. He says he has decided against a single successor, in favor of building a team. But at 72, without a firm plan in place, his options to secure his company’s future are narrowing. Could he float it on the stock market? Possibly, but not at its full value. Would another company buy or invest in it? The answer is the same. So far, licensees have continued to invest in new launches, but that may change if the succession isn’t settled. Armani says that his family will inherit his wealth and that the company will be run independently, possibly through a foundation, but, no, he hasn’t set one up yet. And in the meantime there are hotels to plan, stores to open, new products to launch and a second boat to design. “My problem is time,” Giorgio Armani says with a sigh, “always time.”


     

     

    Iraq Stumbling in Bid to Purge Its Rogue Police

    Shawn Baldwin for The New York Times

    Members of an elite police unit under the Interior Ministry’s jurisdiction directed vehicles at a checkpoint on the outskirts of Baghdad Saturday, September 16, 2006.

     

    September 17, 2006
    Security Forces

    Iraq Stumbling in Bid to Purge Its Rogue Police

    BAGHDAD, Sept. 16 — Shiite militiamen and criminals entrenched throughout Iraq‘s police and internal security forces are blocking recent efforts by some Iraqi leaders and the American military to root them out, a step critical to winning the trust of skeptical Sunni Arabs and quelling the sectarian conflict, Iraqi and Western officials say.

    The new interior minister, Jawad al-Bolani, who oversees the police, lacks the political support to purge many of the worst offenders, including senior managers who tolerated or encouraged the infiltration of Shiite militias into the police under the previous government, according to interviews with more than a dozen officials who work with the ministry and the police.

    No one expected a housecleaning to be easy, and some headway has been made in firing people. But despite that progress, recent difficulties reveal the magnitude of the task facing Mr. Bolani and Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki. When he took office in late May, Mr. Maliki said one of his top goals was to reform the Shiite-led Interior Ministry, which had, to the minority Sunni Arabs, become synonymous with government complicity in abduction, torture and killing.

    The ministry recently discovered that more than 1,200 policemen and other employees had been convicted years ago of murder, rape and other violent crimes, said a Western diplomat who has close contact with the ministry. Some were even on death row. Few have been fired.

    Despite the importance American commanders place on hiring more Sunni Arabs for the overwhelmingly Shiite police force, the ministry still has no way to screen recruits by sect or for militia allegiance. Such loyalties are the root cause of the ministry’s problems.

    A senior American commander said that of the 27 paramilitary police battalions, “we think 5 or 6 battalions probably have leaders that have led that part of the organization in a way that is either criminal or sectarian or both.”

    Death squads in uniforms could be responsible for the recent surge in sectarian violence, with at least 165 bodies found across Baghdad since Wednesday.

    There is little accountability. The government has stopped allowing joint Iraqi and American teams to inspect Iraqi prisons. No senior ministry officials have been prosecuted on charges of detainee mistreatment, in spite of fresh discoveries of abuse and torture, including a little-reported case involving children packed into a prison of more than 1,400 inmates. Internal investigations into secret prisons, corruption and other potential criminal activity are often blocked.

    The Americans view an overhaul of the Ministry of the Interior as a crucial step in helping rein in the growing sectarian conflict.

    “I think there are some definite issues in the M.O.I.,” Lt. Gen. Peter W. Chiarelli, the second-ranking commander in Iraq, said in an interview. “I think there probably needs to be some leadership changes. But I know the minister of interior himself is working those.”

    Mr. Bolani, a Shiite engineer appointed last May, sincerely wants to purge the ministry of Shiite partisans brought in by his predecessor, the officials interviewed said. But his independence from powerful Shiite political leaders — the very quality that earned him the job — also means Mr. Bolani has limited power to remove politically connected subordinates and enact changes.

    “He’s got to be careful about what he does, just to stay alive,” the Western diplomat said.

    An American adviser to the ministry said Mr. Bolani was unavailable for an interview last week.

    A New Security Plan

    Some tentative progress has been made under the new government. Death squads in police uniforms no longer kidnap and kill with absolute impunity in parts of Sunni-dominated western Baghdad, many Iraqis say. The American military estimates there was a 52 percent drop in the daily rate of execution-style killings from July to August.

    Officials attribute the decline to a new Baghdad security plan, more police oversight by American trainers and policy changes in the ministry. Military officials say the killings in the past week took place in neighborhoods not yet cleared out by security sweeps and are not necessarily the work of policemen — imposters are rife throughout Iraq.

    “The performance has improved slightly,” said Ayad al-Samarraie, a legislator and senior official in the Iraqi Islamic Party, a Sunni Arab group that is sharply critical of the Interior Ministry. “Less people are kidnapped, and there are less raids by the militias on the people.”

    Brig. Gen. Abdul Karim Khalaf, an Interior Ministry spokesman, said the ministry had fired 1,500 employees since June. They include senior officers like the police chief of Anbar Province. Mr. Bolani is pushing to enact a law that would ban the ministry’s 167,000 employees from belonging to a political party.

    Yet, a powerful official suspected of aiding the Shiite militias, Adnan al-Asadi — nicknamed Triple A by the Americans — still holds the job of deputy minister of administration. Mr. Asadi is “the one who really runs the M.O.I.,” said Saleh Mutlak, a Sunni Arab legislator. Mr. Bolani wants to oust Mr. Asadi but does not have the political backing to do so, leaving American advisers frustrated, said an American official who was not authorized to talk publicly on the subject and spoke on the condition of anonymity.

    Mr. Asadi supports the ministry’s inspector general, whom the advisers consider wholly ineffective. American advisers set up an internal affairs unit late last year to conduct honest in-house inquiries. But the two offices feud, and the internal affairs unit lacks full authority to investigate the police in the provinces.

    A recent fingerprinting campaign throughout the ministry showed that 1,228 police officers and ministry employees had been convicted of violent crimes under Saddam Hussein‘s government, said the Western diplomat, who spoke only on the condition of anonymity because of protocol. A handful had been sentenced to death.

    “These are rapists, murderers, drug dealers,” the diplomat said. “The impression I got is that there are a lot more out there.”

    Mr. Bolani has said he intends to fire some of them. But a complete purging of the ministry’s most criminally violent employees is impossible, the diplomat said, because “they’re going to go straight to the militias, or set up their own criminal gangs.”

    Even top Pentagon officials now acknowledge the ministry’s deeply rooted dysfunctions. “Corruption, illegal activity and sectarian bias have constrained progress in developing M.O.I. forces,” according to a Pentagon report issued to Congress at the end of August. “Inappropriate tolerance of and infiltration by Shia militias, some of which are influenced by Iran, is the primary concern of the government of Iraq.”

    Trouble With Elite Units

    Since May, when Shiite politicians fought to keep control of the ministry under the new government, the ministry’s total force has grown to more than 167,000 from 146,000. It is divided into 118,000 regular police officers, 24,400 paramilitary troops and 24,700 border guards.

    Of those, the paramilitary units now called the national police are the most feared. Under Bayan Jabr, a conservative Shiite politician who was Mr. Bolani’s predecessor, fighters from the two most powerful Shiite militias, the Badr Organization and the Mahdi Army, were recruited into the ranks of those elite units.

    Assaults on civilians by gunmen in paramilitary uniforms have continued in some predominantly Sunni or mixed areas of Baghdad.

    A woman who asked to be identified as Umm Shahad said in an interview that her 24-year-old son, a Sunni Arab, was recently taken from his car at a checkpoint run by paramilitary officers in their neighborhood, Jihad. She said she went to the unit’s local stationhouse and to the Interior Ministry to search for him. Officials at each place said they had no idea where he was. “These were real commandos,” she said of her son’s abductors. “We are so afraid.”

    Col. Damon Penn, the senior American adviser to the national police’s 9,000-member Second Division, acknowledged that “there are still some militias operating within the national police.”

    “I think there are some individuals and small cells that they need to purge to make this a truly governmental force,” he said. But progress had been made, he insisted.

    So suspect are the national police that the American military and Iraqi Army began inspections of each battalion in August. The reviews include recording the serial numbers of all national police weapons and vehicles. Twelve battalions have already been inspected, and the rest are to be completed by October, when the units will get new blue uniforms.

    Each brigade will be pulled from the field and put through a six-week training course in policing and the rule of law, Colonel Penn said.

    Four of the eight police brigades are to be deployed soon from Baghdad to the provinces, so building public confidence in them is critical.

    Prisoner Abuse by the Police

    The Iraqi and American inspectors assigned to the police prison known as Site 4 found themselves walking through a chamber of horrors at the end of May.

    More than 1,400 prisoners had been packed into a small area by the Wolf Brigade, a national police unit accused of abuses by Sunni Arabs.

    Prisoners with “lesions resulting from torture” were found during the inspection in eastern Baghdad on May 30, as was “equipment used for this purpose,” according to a human rights report recently released by the United Nations mission here.

    Some prisoners had been beaten, others bound and hung by their arms, an American officer said. There were at least 37 children or teenagers.

    The discovery showed that torture by the police was still rampant despite promises by government officials to end it. Right after Site 4 was examined, the government stopped allowing joint Iraqi and American teams to inspect Iraqi prisons.

    American commanders and Iraqi human rights officials say the treatment of detainees remains troubling. “New evidence has continued to emerge pointing to torture and other cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment in detention centers,” the United Nations report said.

    The Ministry of Human Rights reported that 4,331 detainees were being held in Interior Ministry prisons as of Aug. 31. Yet no one has a clear estimate of the number of prisons run by the Interior Ministry, because some elite police brigades operate detention centers on their bases.

    The Second Division of the national police, for instance, holds 250 detainees in four cramped rooms at Camp Justice, the division headquarters in northern Baghdad. That number is down from 650 last March. But American advisers there recently found 12 prisoners with bruises and black eyes.

    The possible existence of secret prisons like the torture compound discovered in the Jadriya neighborhood last year continues to worry American commanders.

    “It’s obviously a concern,” said Brig. Gen. Dana J. H. Pittard, who is in charge of the operational training of the national police. “The pessimistic side of me says they exist.”

    Crowding and a lack of access to judges are widespread problems, despite Mr. Maliki’s order for a mass prisoner release in June, said Wijdan M. Salim, the minister of human rights. Detainees can languish in prison for months before seeing a judge. Some in Camp Justice have gone six months without appearing before a judge.

    Sectarianism and the Police

    As long as police units remain overwhelmingly Shiite, the distrust of them that is prevalent among Sunni Arabs will be tough to overcome, Sunni leaders say. Yet, Mr. Bolani has avoided putting in place a policy that would diversify or even track the sectarian makeup of police units and recruits. A ministry spokesman said Mr. Bolani preferred not to think in those terms.

    But General Chiarelli, the senior American commander, said: “I’m concerned with some of the ethnic makeup of some of the stations. Our goal was to take a look at that, to work with the minister of interior to get a balance, because I think that’s absolutely essential.”

    The weaknesses in having an unrepresentative police force became more evident this summer. In one incident, American and Iraqi commanders tried to move the headquarters of a national police brigade from eastern Baghdad, which is mostly Shiite, to Dora, an extremely volatile area that is majority Sunni. A fifth of the 1,500 members quit, Colonel Penn said. “There are some dedicated Sunni areas that the Shia aren’t comfortable going into, and vice versa,” he said.

    The Americans have pushed the ministry to change the Shiite makeup of the national police by filling academy classes with Sunni Arabs. The Second Division was only 7 or 8 percent Sunni Arab at the start of the summer. It is now 20 percent Sunni.

    The Iraqi population is estimated to be 60 percent Shiite Arab, 20 percent Sunni Arab and 20 percent Kurd. Asked what the breakdown of the overall police force was, General Chiarelli said he was trying to find out himself.

    Getting the balance right is “absolutely critical,” he said, because hostility among Sunni Arabs is still high.

    In the southern half of the Ghazaliya neighborhood, a mostly Sunni area in northwest Baghdad, “there is no trust between the people and the Iraqi police,” said a man who called himself Abu Jafr, a guard at a sewage pumping station surrounded by small lakes of raw waste.

    “Every time the Iraqi police come to the neighborhood, they get shot at, because people here think they’re from the militias,” he said.

    To help change that perception, American commanders across Baghdad are trying a new tactic: having neighborhood police units work alongside Iraqi Army units, which enjoy a modicum of trust even among Sunni Arabs. The Americans have also placed an advisory team in most of the city’s police stations.

    At the main station in Ghazaliya, staffed almost entirely by Shiite officers, a group of policemen and Iraqi Army soldiers prepared to roll out on a joint patrol on a recent afternoon. The American battalion commander of the area, Lt. Col. Avanulas Smiley, pointed to the vehicles as he strode from his armored carrier into the walled compound. “That is huge for the Ghazaliyans to see,” he said.

    A few days later, six headless bodies turned up in the neighborhood. No one knew who was responsible.


     

    Pope Apologizes for Uproar Over His Remarks

    September 17, 2006    
    Danilo Schiavella/European Pressphoto Agency


    The pope on Sunday made a personal apology about the anger caused by his remarks on Islam and violence.

    September 17, 2006

    Pope Apologizes for Uproar Over His Remarks

    ROME, Sept. 17 — Pope Benedict XVI sought Sunday to extinguish days of anger and protest among Muslims by issuing an extraordinary personal apology for having caused offense with a speech last week that cited a reference to Islam as “evil and inhuman.”

    “I am deeply sorry for the reactions in some countries to a few passages of my address,” the pope told pilgrims at the summer papal palace of Castel Gandolfo, “which were considered offensive.”

    “These were in fact quotations from a medieval text, which do not in any way express my personal thought,” the pope, 79, said in Italian, according to the official English translation.

    “The true meaning of my address,” he said, “in its totality was and is an invitation to frank and sincere dialogue, with great mutual respect.”

    His apology came amid much worry in the church about violence and any erosion of the status of the papacy as a neutral figure for peace among faiths. In Somalia on Sunday, the Italian Foreign Ministry reported, an Italian nun was shot to death. A day earlier, five churches were firebombed in the West Bank and one in Iraq.

    Although Benedict’s predecessor, John Paul II, issued several apologies for the historical failings of the Roman Catholic Church, experts said it appeared to be the first time in recent memory that a pope had made such a direct, personal apology for his own.

    “This is really, really abnormal,” said Alberto Melloni, professor of history at the University of Modena, who has written several books on the Vatican. “It’s never happened as far as I know.”

    Beyond the anger among Muslims, the pope’s comments have also provoked a complicated debate in Italy and among many Catholics, on issues including whether he appreciated the reaction he would provoke and whether the pope’s speeches, which he usually writes himself, are properly vetted by a Vatican undergoing a bureaucratic transition.

    Several Vatican officials said they had expressed concern before the speech was delivered that it might be negatively received by Muslims or be misconstrued by the news media as an attack on Islam. And for many conservatives here, fearful of terror attacks in the name of Islam and rising Muslim immigration in Europe, the remarks of the pope — despite his own denial that he meant to criticize — amounted to a rare public discussion of a delicate question: whether, in fact, Islam is at the moment especially prone to violence.

    Silvio Berlusconi, Italy’s former prime minister, said Saturday that the comments amounted to “an opening, a positive provocation. And so for this reason he is a great pope, with a great intelligence.”

    The pope made his own public apology following two other clarifications from senior Vatican officials since the speech was delivered last Tuesday at Regensburg University, in Germany, where the German-born pope used to teach theology. The speech was largely a scholarly address criticizing the West for submitting itself too much to reason, for walling belief in God out of science and philosophy. But he began by recounting a conversation on the truths of Christianity and Islam that took place between a 14th-century Byzantine Christian emperor, Manuel II Paleologus, and a Persian scholar.

    “He said, I quote, ‘Show me just what Muhammad brought that was new, and there you will find things only evil and inhuman, such as his command to spread by the sword the faith he preached,’ ” the pope said.

    Benedict also briefly discussed the Islamic concept of jihad, which he defined as “holy war,” and said violence in the name of religion is contrary to God’s nature and to reason.

    At the same time, without mentioning Islam specifically, he suggested reason as the basis for “that genuine dialogue of cultures and religions so urgently needed today.”

    In the speech, he did not say whether he agreed with the quotations he cited about violence and Islam — but on Sunday he distanced himself strongly from them.

    It was not immediately clear whether this apology would tamp down the anger, which recalled the furor earlier this year after European newspapers published cartoons unflattering to the Prophet Mohammad.

    In Egypt, a senior member of the Muslim Brotherhood, which had been critical of the pope, initially said Sunday that the pope’s remarks represented a “good step toward an apology.” Later statements from the group, however, seemed to cast doubt on whether it accepted the apology fully.

    In Gaza, the Palestinian prime minister, Ismail Haniya, denounced attacks on some half-dozen churches there and in the West Bank. In Bethlehem, sacred to Christians as the birthplace of Jesus and home to many Arab Christians, police presence was higher than usual.

    “The Christian brothers are a part of the Palestinian people, and I heard the highest Christian authority in Palestine denouncing the statements against Islam and against Muslims,” Mr. Haniya told reporters.

    Meantime on Sunday, protest continued around the Muslim world.

    In Iran, several hundred theological students were given the day off to protest in Qum, the nation’s center for religious study, as the Vatican envoy in Tehran was summoned for an official complaint about the remarks. Several radical Iraqi groups posted threats on the Internet against the Vatican and Christians in general.

    In Mogadishu, the capital of the former Italian colony of Somalia, an Italian nun died after being shot several times in an ambush in a hospital in which a Somali bodyguard was also killed. It was unclear if the attack was retribution for the pope’s remarks, although the Vatican issued a response.

    The Rev. Federico Lombardi, the chief Vatican spokesman, was quoted by the ANSA news agency as calling the killing “horrible.” “We hope it remains an isolated incident,” he said.

    While anger remained high in Turkey, the nation’s foreign minister, Abdullah Gul, said on Sunday that he expected Benedict’s planned trip there in November would go ahead. But he called the pope’s remarks “really regrettable.”

    The Vatican’s new secretary of state, Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, also said Sunday that he expected the pope’s visit to Turkey to proceed.

    “For the time being, there is no reason why it should not,” he told the ANSA news agency.

    The furor, which has left Benedict’s 17-month papacy with its first major crisis, has also set off a round of second-guessing in the Vatican and among church experts about exactly what happened.

    First among the questions — which the pope refuted on Sunday — is whether he in fact intended to make a statement about Islam and violence. Second is whether he realized the extent of the reaction.

    But more concretely, experts said, the issue raised questions both about how the church operates under this new pope, and to what extent his statements are checked and balanced diplomatically now that he is no longer an academic but the leader of the world’s billion Roman Catholics.

    Benedict is used to writing his own speeches, and several Vatican officials said he wrote Tuesday’s address, one of the most significant of the papacy, by himself. The officials, speaking anonymously because they were not authorized to discuss this publicly, said that there was concern in the Vatican before he delivered it, both about the reaction among Muslims and how the news media would portray the passages relating to Islam.

    That concern was relayed up the chain of command, the officials said, but it is not clear if it reached the pope.

    At a time when the Vatican has just replaced its second-in-command and its foreign minister, many experts also said that the Vatican does not have enough experts on Islam to gauge reaction to any papal statements.

    “They have nobody to really ask,” said the Rev. Thomas Michel, secretary for inter-religious dialogue for the Jesuit order of priests. “Whoever looked at it and let that go through is someone who doesn’t understand Muslims at all.”

    In February, Benedict reassigned the Vatican’s most senior Arab expert, Archbishop Michael Fitzgerald, then the head of inter-religious dialogue, to Cairo as the Vatican envoy there. The move was seen at the time by some church experts as a sign of Benedict’s skepticism about the value of dialogue with Muslims.

    “I think one may say, if it is not too impolite, that it is time to bring back Monsignor Fitzgerald,” Mr. Melloni, the Vatican scholar, said.


Comments (1)

  • World Conditions Are So Bad
    That People Are Talking
     
    All around the world, people are talking,
    often in whispers, sometimes in disbelief.
    And what are they talking about ?
    An imminent end to this world.
     
    No one denies that the world has changed dramatically,
    and everyone is talking.  Religious people say that
    it’s time for Christ to come.  Others say that he is
    already here.  Atheists say its the time for mankind
    to completely destroy itself.  Armageddon is near.
    Everyone is talking.
     

    “A thousand may fall at your side,
    ten thousand at your right hand,
    but it will not come near you.
    You will only observe with your eyes
    and see the punishment of the wicked.”
    (Psalm 91:7)(NIV)-BibleGateway

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