Month: July 2005


  • July 20, 2005
    In Pursuit of Conservative Stamp, President Nominates Roberts
    By TODD S. PURDUM

    WASHINGTON, July 19 – President Bush nominated John G. Roberts, a federal appeals court judge with a distinguished résumé and a conservative but enigmatic record, as his first appointment to the Supreme Court on Tuesday night, moving to replace Justice Sandra Day O’Connor with a candidate he hopes will be hailed by the right and accepted by the left.

    “He has the qualities that Americans expect in a judge: experience, wisdom, fairness and civility,” Mr. Bush said in an unusual televised appearance from the White House Cross Hall just after 9 p.m., as Mr. Roberts and his family looked on.

    He added, “I believe that Democrats and Republicans alike will see the strong qualifications of this fine judge.”

    Mr. Bush’s dramatic prime-time announcement ended more than two weeks of speculation set off by Justice O’Connor’s surprise retirement announcement, and a day of frantic rumors in which first one then another candidate was reported to be the leading choice, amid hints from some Republicans that he might choose a woman to succeed the Supreme Court’s first female justice.

    Instead, word came shortly before 8 p.m. that Mr. Bush’s choice was Judge Roberts, 50, a summa cum laude graduate of Harvard College, former managing editor of the Harvard Law Review and clerk to William H. Rehnquist, who was then an associate justice on the Supreme Court. Since 2003, Judge Roberts has served on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, to which he was confirmed by unanimous consent of the Senate.

    Mr. Bush has made no secret of his desire to impose a more conservative stamp on the Supreme Court, and he apparently named Mr. Roberts with confidence that he would help him do so.

    Almost instantly, the conservative and liberal interest groups that have spent years preparing for a Supreme Court vacancy swung into action.

    The conservative Progress for America called Judge Roberts a “terrific nominee,” while Naral Pro-Choice America denounced him as an “unsuitable choice,” and a “divisive nominee with a record of seeking to impose a political agenda on the courts.”

    But significantly, Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the Democratic leader of the body that will determine Judge Roberts’s fate, was much more subdued, hewing to the Democrats’ stated strategy of demanding a thorough vetting of any nominee by describing Judge Roberts as “someone with suitable legal credentials,” whose record must now be examined “to determine if he has a demonstrated commitment to the core American values of freedom, equality and fairness.”

    In his campaign for the presidency five years ago, Mr. Bush pledged to appoint judges like Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas, staunch conservatives with well-established judicial philosophies.

    While Judge Roberts has impeccable Republican credentials and a record of service in the Reagan and first Bush administrations dating to 1981, his paper trail of opinions is comparatively thin, and he is not seen as a “movement conservative.”

    Justice O’Connor had long ago emerged as the fulcrum of the current court, a pivotal vote on abortion, affirmative action, the death penalty and religion. Judge Roberts’s detailed views on many of those issues are less known.

    Abortion rights groups fault him for arguing, as deputy solicitor general for the first Bush administration in 1990, in favor of a government regulation banning abortion-related counseling in federally financed family planning programs.

    He also helped write a brief then that restated the administration’s opposition to Roe v. Wade, the 1973 Supreme Court decision that established the constitutional right to abortion, contending, “We continue to believe that Roe was wrongly decided and should be overruled.”

    But when pressed in his 2003 confirmation hearings for his own views, he said: “Roe v. Wade is the settled law of the land,” and added, “There’s nothing in my personal views that would prevent me from fully and faithfully applying that precedent.”

    Such comments have made Judge Roberts somewhat suspect in the eyes of some social conservatives. But he arouses nothing like the opposition that conservatives leveled at another potential nominee, Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales, whose views on abortion are more uncertain.

    Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council, one of the most vocal socially conservative groups that have been girding for a confirmation fight, issued a statement declaring that Mr. Bush had chosen “an exceptionally well-qualified and impartial nominee,” and adding, “I believe that Judge Roberts will strictly interpret the Constitution and not legislate from the bench.”

    By the same token, Judge Roberts will be more difficult for Democrats to attack than his friend and fellow appellate court judge, J. Michael Luttig, who was considered more conservative and had also been among those mentioned for the job.

    In his own remarks on Tuesday night, Judge Roberts offered no substantive comments, but told how he “always got a lump in my throat” when he appeared before the Supreme Court as a lawyer, and said “I would not be standing here today if it were not for the sacrifice and help” of his parents, sisters and wife.

    Appearing on television just after the announcement, Senator Patrick J. Leahy of Vermont, the ranking Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, which two years ago approved Mr. Roberts’s nomination on a vote of 16 to 3, said he envisioned full and exhaustive hearings, adding that he did not expect “any issues that go to the qualifications” of a justice to be off limits.

    Given Judge Roberts’s age, there is every reason to think he could serve on the court for decades, or even become chief justice, a fact that Democrats emphasized in pledging a thorough review of his record.

    Senator Charles E. Schumer of New York, another influential Democrat on the panel, said there was “no question that Judge Roberts has outstanding legal credentials” and an appropriate judicial temperament. Still, Mr. Schumer recalled, he had voted against confirming Judge Roberts to his current post because in response to a question, he refused to cite three Supreme Court cases that he considered to have been wrongly decided.

    Mr. Schumer said “the burden is on a nominee” to prove that he is worthy of confirmation, and said that despite past Senate support for Judge Roberts, “it’s a whole new ballgame.”

    Representatives of both parties suggested that they expected confirmation hearings to occur in late August or early September, allowing ample time for both sides to review Judge Roberts’s record. Because he was so recently confirmed to his current job, the official F.B.I. investigation of his background, financial interests and the like can be expected to be less burdensome than for a nominee who had never undergone such scrutiny.

    Mr. Bush repeated his wish to have Justice O’Connor’s successor confirmed by the time the Supreme Court begins its next term on the first Monday in October, and went out of his way to emphasize the past bipartisan support for Judge Roberts.

    The president noted that more than 150 Republican and Democratic lawyers, including top White House and Justice Department officials of both parties, had supported his confirmation two years ago.

    “So I have full confidence that the Senate will rise to the occasion and act promptly on this nomination,” Mr. Bush said.

    White House aides said that Mr. Bush, whose aides have spent years preparing for a potential vacancy, had reviewed a list of 11 candidates and interviewed 5 of them, before offering the job to Judge Roberts during a telephone call at lunchtime on Tuesday.

    Judge Roberts was clearly among the less provocative picks Mr. Bush could have made, a reality that some senior Democratic Senate aides acknowledged Tuesday.

    That did not stop Democratic Party officials from circulating a three-page set of talking points after the announcement, branding Judge Roberts as a “Friend to Big Business, the Mining Industry and Ken Starr,” the former Whitewater special prosecutor whom Mr. Roberts served as principal deputy solicitor general in the first Bush administration, helping to draft the government’s positions before the Supreme Court.

    The Democratic talking points also described Mr. Roberts as “a longtime Republican partisan,” and that is indisputable.

    After serving as a law clerk to Justice Rehnquist, he began his public career in the Reagan administration as an aide to Attorney General William French Smith from 1981 to 1982, and then as an associate White House counsel. He practiced law at the firm of Hogan & Hartson from 1986 to 1989, and again from 1993 until he took his current post.

    Mr. Bush’s father first nominated him to the District of Columbia appeals court, considered the nation’s second most important bench, in 1992, but his nomination died in a Democratic-controlled Senate without a vote.

    Born in Buffalo, Mr. Roberts grew up mostly in Indiana, was captain of his high school football team and helped earn college tuition by working summers in a steel mill, details that Mr. Bush took some pains to highlight in his announcement.

    Before clerking for Justice Rehnquist, he clerked for Judge Henry J. Friendly of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in New York, who was widely considered to be among the most distinguished appellate judges of his era.

    Judge Roberts is widely regarded as personable, no small consideration for a president who has said he wanted to take the personal measure of any nominee to the court. Friends, colleagues and adversaries dating to his college days have described the judge as always bright without being overbearing or overly aggressive.

    The bipartisan lawyers’ letter supporting his nomination to his current job described him as “one of the very best and most highly respected appellate lawyers in the nation, with a deserved reputation as a brilliant writer and oral advocate,” and added, “He is also a wonderful professional colleague both because of his enormous skills and because of his unquestioned integrity and fair-mindedness.”

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  • Shawn Thew/European Pressphoto Agency

    Judge John G. Roberts reacting last night as President Bush nominated him to the Supreme Court.

    July 20, 2005
    An Ultimate Capital Insider
    By NEIL A. LEWIS
    WASHINGTON, July 19 – In nominating Judge John G. Roberts for the Supreme Court, President Bush, who likes to portray himself as an outsider to Washington and its culture, chose an ultimate insider in the capital.

    Mr. Bush considered candidates from around the country, his aides had said. But his choice, Judge Roberts, 50, owns the kind of résumé and experience that is prized in Washington; a driven student, he graduated from Harvard College in only three years and went on to Harvard Law School. That was followed by a clerkship on the Supreme Court with William H. Rehnquist when he was an associate justice.

    Mr. Bush’s father wanted to put Judge Roberts on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, regarded as second in importance only to the Supreme Court, when he was 36. When the Democrats who controlled the Senate at the time balked, he went out and developed a lucrative private practice at Hogan & Hartson, a top-tier Washington firm, attracting a flock of corporate clients.

    Judge Roberts, widely described as cordial and wry, has been comfortable in the Washington world in which top lawyers, journalists and others mix easily.

    “John is one of those guys who is almost always the smartest one in the room, but you’d never know it,” said J. Warren Gorrell Jr., chairman of Hogan & Hartson. “He doesn’t take himself too seriously and is always careful to acknowledge the accomplishments of other people. He has a great legal mind.”

    Mr. Gorrell and others who know Mr. Roberts, who grew up in Indiana, describe him as unasssuming and modest.

    “It sounds a little awkward to say that a person who was just nominated to the Supreme Court of the United States is a regular guy, but he is,” Mr. Gorrell said.

    Patricia A. Brannan, a partner at Hogan & Hartson who attended Harvard Law School with Mr. Roberts, said her former colleague possessed what she called a “Midwest calm.”

    “He would wear very well” in the cloistered world of the Supreme Court, Ms. Brannan added.

    Judge Roberts and his wife, Jane Marie Sullivan, also a lawyer, live in Chevy Chase, Md., and have two children, Jack, 4, and Josephine, 5. Friends described the couple as devout Catholics.

    If he is confirmed to the Supreme Court, he will find himself on familiar ground. He has stood in the well of the court 39 times arguing cases before the justices he may soon join on the other side of the bench.

    The number of cases, some on behalf of the government when he was a deputy solicitor general, the rest representing private clients, puts him in an elite company of lawyers who regularly appear before the court.

    In winning 25 of those cases, he has gained a reputation as one of the handful of lawyers in the nation who are at the top of their game when the game is making a clear-headed argument and remaining cool when nine justices can fire questions at you.

    Even though Judge Roberts has practiced law in the headiest of environments, he has generally avoided revealing much about his personal views on issues or some of the hot-button cases that are often at the center of confirmation battles.

    Even in the last two years as a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit he has not produced any especially provocative writings.

    The one arguable exception in his career is that as deputy solicitor general in 1991, he signed a legal brief to the Supreme Court arguing on behalf of the first President George Bush: “We continue to believe that Roe v. Wade was wrongly decided and should be overruled,” a reference to the 1973 opinion that first found a Constitutional right to abortion.

    That brief is sure to become a topic of debate in his confirmation hearings as abortion rights advocates have already suggested it will be their prime exhibit in opposing his nomination. His supporters will almost certainly respond by raising the issue as to whether it is fair to attribute to a lawyer the views of his client, in that case the president.

    In his first year on the appeals court he seemed to throw in his lot in one case with advocates of the new federalism, that is, judges and scholars who believe Congress is limited in the laws it may enact, leaving some issues to states.

    In the case in which a California resort sued the Interior Department over a regulation governing arroyo toads, he wrote that the full court should reconsider the resort’s claim because the toads had no effect on interstate commerce, the rationale for federal intervention. The toad, he wrote, “for reasons of its own, lives its entire life in California.”

    Judge Roberts also upheld the arrest of a 12-year-old girl who was handcuffed by transit police on the Washington area subway system for eating a single French fry. “No one is very happy about the events that led to this litigation,” he wrote, but that the police did not violate the girl’s rights under the constitution’s Fourth Amendment guarantee against unreasonable searches.

    Last week, Judge Roberts was one of three judges who ruled unanimously that the Bush administration and the White House could conduct war crimes trials against suspected terrorists detained at the naval base in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. The opinion reversed a ruling from a lower court judge that the military commissions used to try detainees on war crimes violated the Constitution and international law.

    Because he has such a scant record on many of the social issues that come before the courts, some conservatives have suggested that his political profile is similar to that of Justice David H. Souter. When Justice Souter was nominated by President Bush’s father in 1990, the White House and others said he would prove a reliable conservative; instead, he proved a profound disappointment.But unlike Justice Souter, who hailed from New Hampshire, Judge Roberts is well known in Washington legal circles; has been active in the Federalist Society, the conservative lawyers group; and has many people to vouch for his conservative instincts.

    On the other side of the political equation, he is likely to be confirmed, at least with far less trouble than many of the other candidates who had been listed as possible Bush choices. Even as Democrats were resisting many of Mr. Bush’s other appeals court candidates with filibusters, Mr. Roberts was approved by a vote of 16 to 3 in the Judiciary Committee and confirmed unanimously by voice vote on May 9, 2003. As befits a Washington player, he brought endorsements from many Democrats, including Seth P. Waxman, President Bill Clinton’s former solicitor general, who described the nominee as “an exceptionally well-qualified appellate advocate.”

    Since he served inside the Reagan White House, where he helped choose judges, Mr. Roberts has helped strengthen the conservative hold on the federal judiciary. But as an established member of the Washington legal scene, Mr. Roberts also learned how to navigate a bipartisan capital, working alongside many Democrats at Hogan & Hartson.

    John Glover Roberts was born in Buffalo and grew up in Indiana, the son of an executive for the Bethlehem Steel Company and a homemaker. When Mr. Bush presented Judge Roberts in the Cross Hall on Tuesday night, he made special mention of the judge’s having worked summers in steel mills, an apparent effort to give him some working-class cachet.

    When Justice Stephen G. Breyer was nominated to the court by Mr. Clinton, he stressed that he once dug ditches for a summer.

    Judge Roberts attended the La Lumiere School, a small, nominally Catholic boys’ boarding school in La Porte, Ind., where he quickly outpaced his classmates and was given a special curriculum.

    Rob MacLaverty, a Chicago businessman who went to the school with Judge Roberts, recalled that he was admired by the faculty as well as his fellow students.

    “They figured out pretty quickly that he was ahead of the rest of us,” Mr. MacLaverty said. “He pretty much finished high school by his junior year and they put together some individual tutorials to keep him occupied.”

    Mr. MacLaverty said that Judge Roberts, who was captain of the football team, was remarkable in that while he was clearly special he never behaved as he was.

    “He had a nice, friendly demeanor then,” he said. “Just as he has now.”

    Although it was a boarding school, Judge Roberts’ family lived nearby in Long Beach, a quiet lakeside town.

    Richard Lazarus, a law professor at Georgetown University, described himself as a liberal but said that was no impediment to being a good friend to Judge Roberts. Judge Roberts’s mode and mentor, he said, was not Chief Justice Rehnquist, but rather the appeals court judge for whom he clerked, Henry J. Friendly, who served on the appeals court based in New York until his death in 1986.

    “They were very much alike,” Professor Lazarus said. “He was hired by Judge Friendly without an interview because John’s credentials were like his. They won the same history prize at Harvard and each had the same position on the law review there.”

    Professor Lazarus said that as an advocate before the court, Judge Roberts had a precise practice regimen. He would divide up his argument into about eight sections and first memorize them and then practice reciting them in random order to account for the justices’ questions.

    “He looks relaxed and spontaneous,” he said. “But it’s all based on an extraordinary amount of work and preparation.”

    John Files and Glen Justice contributed reporting for this article.


  • Robert Capa
    Search for bibliography at photolit.de for +Robert Capa
    (American, born Hungary, 1913 – 1954)

    “Parade for the 1st Anniversary of the Sino – Japanese War, Hankow, China”, 1938
    Gelatin silver print, x
    (1637.1992)
    ICP Collecti

    ROBERT CAPA (1913-1954)
    On May 25, 1954, the career of Robert Capa, whose exploits as a war photographer had made him a legend in modern photography, came to an abrupt end when he stepped on a land mine on an obscure battlefield in Indochina.
    Robert Capa was somewhat careless as a photographer but was carefully dedicated as a man. He participated with courage in almost every great tragedy of his time, and never lost heart nor faith. He was incredibly quick to guess the truth. Knowing the truth, he took risks, risks which were never calculated to hurt anyone but himself. Like most he had faults, but his faults were invariably charming and his virtues never boring. He dressed well, ate well, and picked up the check. He drank frequently, but never to get drunk. And then he went home, to a hotel room. He was at home in any major city of the world, and slightly uncomfortable in the country.
    He knew war well, so well he despised it. He sought for peace without expecting it. He was a menace in only one respect. He was perhaps the world’s worst driver. He took no greater risk in war than in crossing the Champs Elysees He teased the old and made them laugh. He taught the young without their knowing it. Children loved him, as did many women. But he never discussed his deepest affections. He suffered behind the scenes from loneliness, insecurity, heartbreak. He died with a camera in his left hand, his story unexpectedly finished. He left behind a thermos of cognac, a few good suits, a bereaved world, and his pictures, among them some of the greatest recorded moments of modern history. He also leaves a legend, for which there is no other description than…Capa.
    Robert Capa was born Andrei Friedmann in Budapest in 1913. Deciding that there was little future under the regime in Hungary, he left home at 18 and found a job as a darkroom apprentice with a Berlin picture agency. He shot pictures on the side, and scored his first scoop with some exclusive pictures of Leon Trotsky.
    When Hitler took over, Andrei Friedmann took off for Paris. There with his Polish fiancée, Gerda Taro, he struggled to get established in the rugged business of free lance journalism. The story of this struggle is recounted in John Hersey’s classic magazine article, “The Man Who Invented Himself.”
    Andrei and Gerda decided to form an association of three people. Gerda was to serve as secretary and sales representative; Andrei was to be a darkroom hired hand; and these two were to be employed by a rich, famous, and talented (and imaginary) American photographer named Robert Capa, then allegedly visiting France. The ‘three’ went to work. Friedmann took the pictures, Gerda sold them, and credit was given the non-existent Capa. Since this Capa was supposed to be so rich, Gerda refused to let his pictures go to any French newspaper for less than 150 francs apiece, three times the prevailing rate.
    The secret was soon found out by editor Lucien Vogel of Vue. But it did not matter. He sent Capa and Gerda to Spain, where Capa became famous overnight for his remarkable picture of a dying Spanish soldier. Gerda stayed on, meeting her death on the battlefield. Grief-stricken, Capa went off to China where he took a series of memorable pictures at the battle of Taierchwang, the only significant Chinese victory of the entire war.
    Returning to Europe, he covered the Spanish war until its end in early 1939. When World War II broke out, he found himself in America, technically an enemy alien. But he got an assignment from Collier’s, and in 1942 joined the invasion convoy to North Africa, where he switched to the Life staff.
    Leaving Africa, Capa jumped into Sicily with the paratroops and went on to the attack on “the soft under belly of the Axis” in the cold grim winter campaign of 1943-44. Soon after Anzio he left Italy for London, and a wild intermission of poker playing and partying with such old friends as Ernest Hemingway, Irwin Shaw, William Saroyan, and John Steinbeck.
    On June 6, 1944, an assault barge landed Robert Capa on Omaha Beach. Stumbling ashore under heavy fire, he exposed four rolls of the most famous films in history. As luck would have it, all but eleven frames were ruined in Life’s London darkroom when the emulsion ran in an over-heated drying cabinet. However, Life, and the world press, published the surviving images, calling them “slightly out of focus” from the blurred emulsion. And Capa maintained his dangerous franchise as the most colorful war photographer.
    He was to see the war through to its bitter end, actually photographing the death of one of the last Americans killed. But he missed the Armistice, when, in a rare case of misjudgment, he pooh-poohed the tip that would have given him an exclusive.
    Capa wanted no more war, but he could not resist covering the birth of Israel in 1949 with Irwin Shaw. By this time he had also participated, with his old friends Henri Cartier-Bresson, David (“Chim”) Seymour, George Rodger, and William Vandivert in the birth of Magnum Photos, the first and still the only international cooperative agency of free lance photographers.
    This marked a new development in Capa’s career. He became an international businessman, selling and stimulating the work of Magnum photographers as the group grew to include Werner Bischof, Ernst Haas, and many others. With John Steinbeck he went to Russia in 1947, returning with a memorable story for the Ladies’ Home Journal. Also for the Journal, the Magnum group did a series on international family life called “People Are People the World Over,” a photographic forerunner of the “Family of Man.”
    Capa began to think of his future in terms of writing combined with photography and wrote several charming pieces for Holiday. He already had four books to his credit: “Death in the Making” on the Spanish Civil War, “Waterloo Bridge” on the London Blitz, “A Russian Journal,” with Steinbeck narrative, and “Slightly Out of Focus” on World War II (sold to Hollywood but never filmed). His literary style was his own: “To me war is like an aging actress—more and more dangerous and less and less photogenic.”
    In 1954 Capa went to Japan with a Magnum exhibition. While he was there, Life suddenly needed a photographer on the Indochina front. Capa volunteered. But it was one war too many. His luck ran out on May 25. They found him still clutching his camera.
    His funeral was held in the old Quaker meeting house at Purchase, New York. In his memory the Overseas Press Club established the Robert Capa Award “for superlative photography requiring exceptional courage and enterprise abroad.”


  • Robert Capa
    Search for bibliography at photolit.de for +Robert Capa
    (American, born Hungary, 1913 – 1954)

    “Parade for the 1st Anniversary of the Sino – Japanese War, Hankow, China”, 1938
    Gelatin silver print, x
    (1641.1992)
    ICP Collection


  • Robert Capa
    Search for bibliography at photolit.de for +Robert Capa
    (American, born Hungary, 1913 – 1954)

    “Parade for the 1st Anniversary of the Sino – Japanese War, Hankow, China”, 1938
    Gelatin silver print, x
    (1640.1992)
    ICP Collection


  • Robert Capa
    Search for bibliography at photolit.de for +Robert Capa
    (American, born Hungary, 1913 – 1954)

    “Parade for the 1st Anniversary of the Sino – Japanese War, Hankow, China”, 1938
    Gelatin silver print, x
    (1632.1992)
    ICP Collection


  • Robert Capa
    Search for bibliography at photolit.de for +Robert Capa
    (American, born Hungary, 1913 – 1954)


  • Savoy Ballroom,Harlem, New York City, 1939


  • Cornell Capa
    Search for bibliography at photolit.de for Cornell+Capa
    (American, born Hungary, – )

    Savoy Ballroom,Harlem, New York City, 1939
    Gelatin silver print, 16x20x
    ()
    ICP Collection


     


  • Cornell Capa
    Search for bibliography at photolit.de for Cornell+Capa
    (American, born Hungary, – )

    Marilyn Monroe during the filming of The Misfits, Nevada desert, 1960
    Gelatin silver print, 16x20x
    ()
    ICP Collection