June 25, 2007

  • Major General Smedley D. Butler,Interviewing the princes, Today’s Papers,South Africa,Zimbabwe,Craft

    Television: How TV’s rock chick landed a right royal scoop

    Fearne Cotton’s hard work has paid off with a dream gig – interviewing the princes. By Sophie Morris

    Published: 25 June 2007

    Fearne Cotton looks much more glamorous today than the shouty rock chick who fronted the last days of Top of the Pops – two “It” bags, an expensive-looking woollen coat and big, streaky blonde hair. It turns out she has come straight from a publicity shoot with “Uncle Terry” (Wogan), with whom she is presenting Children In Need later this year. The coat is from the high street and the bags bursting with everything a girl might need as she hops from presenting jobs to photo shoots to a coveted spot on Jonathan Ross’s sofa, where she will be spending this evening.

    The interview with Ross will go out this Friday, just hours after Cotton’s audience with Prince William and Prince Harry is broadcast. She made headlines earlier this year when it was announced the princes would discuss their late mother on camera, for the first time, with this 25-year-old music and reality TV presenter. The American ABC network, also offered an interview, treated the occasion with more gravity, and gave the job to an experienced news anchor.

    The BBC will use the interview as a plug for this Sunday’s Concert for Diana at Wembley Stadium and Cotton’s warns viewers not to expect a Martin Bashir-style Panorama interview.

    “I wasn’t there to dig dirt and be the bad guy,” she says. “That’s not what the BBC wanted. If they’d wanted something more journalistic and hard hitting they would have got Huw Edwards.

    “They wanted something which was going to be compelling and compassionate but still fun.” She has just watched the interview for the first time and is pleased with the result. “I think they [the princes] did drop their guard and were very natural. They spoke about their mother for the first time ever publicly; it was a very special thing to hear.”

    Cotton admits to having fascination for the royal family, and says she has always been interested in the work the princess did for charity, even though the TV presenter was only 15 when Diana died. Cotton first contacted Comic Relief six years ago and has since visited Kenya with them, and still exchanges letters with a young woman she met out there. She was a presenter for the Live 8 concert in Hyde Park in 2005 and is a youth ambassador for Macmillan Cancer.

    Less worthy was the ITV celebrity reality show Love Island, which Cotton presented last summer with Patrick Kielty. The show’s poor ratings coincided with the then chief executive of ITV Charles Allen stepping down.

    For Cotton, who began her presenting career on The Disney Club aged 16, the criticism was water off a duck’s back.

    “I can safely say that doing Love Island was the best three months of my life. Living in Fiji, it felt like I had no responsibilities. All I had to do was get up, go to work and lie on the beach.

    “It doesn’t bother me [that the ratings were bad]. There’s always going to be another project that I can get my teeth into. Hopefully, if I keep working hard, there will be new stuff to replace the ones that don’t come back.”

    In fact, while ITV has axed Love Island, it has designed a new dating show especially for Cotton and her best friend, presenter Holly Willoughby. The pair are styling themselves as the Trinny and Susannah of the dating world and hope to fix the love lives of six singletons in the show, which airs in September.

    She also presents a weekend show on Radio 1 and recently began filming The Xtra Factor, after losing out in the battle to present the main X-Factor show to Dermot O’Leary.

    “Dermot is perfect for the job,” she insists. “Having a boy made sense if they wanted to change the show. I suppose they wanted to flip it on its head and I don’t think I was right for that as I am a blonde girl presenter and they stick you in the same category.”

    To get to where she is now, Cotton missed out on the student lie-ins – “a teeny-weeny sacrifice” – and balanced presenting jobs with one A-Level, in art, at college in north-west London, where she grew up with her “very chilled out” sign-writer father, a mother who “loves alternative therapy and reiki but is by no means a hippie, in fact she’s uber-glam”, and younger brother Jamie, “who doesn’t give a crap what I do.”

    She talks at speed and her huge green eyes dart in every direction, betraying the restless, fidgety nature she admits to several times. Very little makes Cotton pause for thought, but she struggles to put her finger on where her fierce ambition comes from. She says her parents were never pushy but always supportive, and that once she realised she was good at dancing as a young girl, she wanted to become better at it. When her relationship with Peter Brame, a Fame Academy contestant who Cotton dated for two years, came under scrutiny because of his drug issues, she called time on the relationship very quickly. Brame responded with a spread in a Sunday newspaper chronicling their sex life.

    “It was upsetting, but you have challenges to face and then you just get on with it. I don’t think anyone was giving me much pressure [to split up with him]. I put it on myself because my job’s more important than anything. I knew my job was more important the second I started off in that relationship.”

    Today, batting off rumours Prince William asked her on a date, Cotton is happy with her model/chef boyfriend of ten months and says she would rather stay in with him and her cats tonight than choose a dress from a selection lent by top designers and flirt with Jonathan Ross. Either that or head to Glastonbury Festival – she has never been before; ever since she has been old enough to attend she has found herself working that weekend

     

    Sunday, June 24, 2007

    Where the Crafts Babes and D.I.Y. Dudes Are

    Kate Lacey for The New York Times

    SAMPLING Sue Eggen of the Giant Dwarf, which makes clothes out of found and recycled materials. More Photos >

    Kate Lacey for The New York Times

    JUST BROWSING Laura Cortese at the Renegade Craft Fair last weekend in Brooklyn. More Photos »

    June 24, 2007

    Where the Crafts Babes and D.I.Y. Dudes Are

    FOR the past few years, facial hair has been all the rage in young bohemia. “I think mustaches in general are totally hilarious,” said Brendan Farley, 30. “Unfortunately, I look too hilarious in them.”

    So last Saturday, Mr. Farley, a scenery carpenter from Astoria, Queens, did the next best thing: he spent $30 on a wooden mustache on a stick at a crafts fair in Brooklyn.

    “This is a nice transitional piece,” Mr. Farley said, as he held the hand-carved curlicue up to his face and grinned. If he could have twirled his handlebar, he would have.

    Among the many mysteries of the hipster life — Do they actually enjoy the taste of Pabst Blue Ribbon? How many graphic designers can the world need? — one of the most persistent is the much-copied (and parodied) aesthetic.

    From ironic T-shirts and thrift-store dresses to ’80s jewelry and skinny ties, it can sometimes seem as if every young person who eschews investment banking and law school for creative pursuits looks eerily similar. Where do these trends come from? Who decided, for example, that a small star would be the must-have tattoo, or that the sparrow would become an icon?

    Last weekend, an answer could be found in Brooklyn, in (of course) Williamsburg. The Renegade Craft Fair, the kind of alternative sale where cross-stitch is cool, was in town.

    Last weekend, more than 200 vendors set up booths in McCarren Park Pool, peddling their handmade wares to people for whom do-it-yourself is the only label that matters. Begun in Chicago in 2003, the Renegade Craft Fair has swelled, attracting hundreds of far-flung vendors, thousands of shoppers and a few design tastemakers, who come as much for the scene as the marketplace. It may be the alt-design equivalent of the Venice Biennale.

    “Renegade has the reputation of being the show to do — if you can get into it,” said Faythe Levine, a boutique owner in Milwaukee who is making “Handmade Nation,” a documentary about the makers of indie crafts. “It’s a destination.”

    Originally the founders, Sue Blatt, 29, and Kathleen Habbley, 28, both of Chicago, just wanted a place to sell their handmade jewelry and purses. But when they began investigating the city’s crafts and art fairs, “we couldn’t find anything that fit our aesthetic,” Ms. Blatt said. “We did know there were Web sites out there doing the same types of D.I.Y. crafts that we were.”

    So they set up an event in hip-magnet Wicker Park in September 2003, expecting a few dozen local hobbyists. Instead, they were inundated with interest from around the country.

    Now there are two Renegade Fairs in Chicago annually. The event in Brooklyn began in 2005, and has been growing ever since. This year Ms. Blatt and Ms. Habbley received online applications from more than 400 vendors — up from 300 last year —and whittled it down by about half; sellers came from as far away as Los Angeles and Canada. Though they don’t keep hard attendance figures, the organizers estimate that 20,000 people stopped by last weekend to buy silk-screened T-shirts, enamel jewelry, patchwork handbags, funky baby clothes, dog pillows and small artworks.

    Most items are less than $100; a D.J., frozen mojitos and the fair’s status as cute-girl central (“crafts babes,” one man panted) add to the appeal.

    Gabi Valladares O. of Caracas, Venezuela, an art director for a television network, extended a business trip to New York so she could come to the fair.

    “It’s great to see people doing something with their own hands,” she said, clutching an enormous so-ugly-it’s-lovable plush doll. She added that she was mining the prominent design themes — nature, psychedelia, adorability — for visual inspiration.

    As the fair has grown, so has the community that sustains it. Etsy, the online marketplace for handmade goods — a crafty cross between Amazon and eBay — began in 2005.

    Robert Kalin, 27, the founder, promoted it with fliers at the initial 2005 Renegade fair in Brooklyn. In May 2006, Etsy recorded sales of $170,000; in May 2007 its members sold $1.7 million. Etsy charges a listing fee of 20 cents and takes 3.5 percent of each sale. Now the site has more than 325,000 registered users, 50,000 of them sellers.

    Last year Etsy turned its offices in Dumbo into a laboratory and storefront, open to the public for classes and events; Mr. Kalin hopes to replicate it nationwide. Ms. Blatt and Ms. Habbley, meanwhile, were just happy to quit their day jobs, waitress and animal shelter employee, respectively. Next month they will open their own boutique in Wicker Park, Renegade Handmade, selling some of their favorite goods from the fair.

    But as the crafty aesthetic has become more popular and profitable, its devotees are confronted with problems of scale.

    Ms. Levine, the documentary maker, started as a self-employed maker of plush toys. Her biggest seller was Messenger Owl (it has a pocket for notes). “I hate making them now,” she said. “I got overwhelmed with orders and couldn’t keep up with production.”

    She said she knew of other designers who experienced the same thing after they found success, asking questions like: Is it O.K. to outsource? How do you hand-cut a thousand of something without getting carpal tunnel? She brought in friends; some designers enlist their mothers. Mr. Kalin hopes the communal model of the Etsy lab will be another solution.

    Christine Haynes, 36, a clothing designer from Los Angeles, who has sold at the fairs since 2003, appreciates the attention. “The first year it was deliberately punk rock,” she said. “Now the D.I.Y. movement has made a real presence in the market. We’re a force to be reckoned with.”

    Jen Anisef, 30, a fair veteran and crafts entrepreneur visiting from Toronto, agreed. “Everyone’s got professionally made business cards,” she said. “The marketing is a lot slicker.”

    But, she added, the focus on selling may have minimized the creativity. “That’s been our complaint today,” she said. “A lot of the stuff is the same: antique chain necklaces, buttons, reconstructed stuff. Birds have got to go. Forest animals have had their day.”

    Ms. Anisef’s husband, Mike Kennedy, 32, a woodworker, voiced another complaint: “There’s nothing for me to buy here,” he said. “I’d have a better chance if I were a baby. Or a dog.”

    So while the sparrow and the owl — last year’s favored animal and the symbol of the fair — are out, the octopus, a burgeoning contender for creature of the moment, has been joined by other sea dwellers, like the squid. Judging by their prominence, hand-painted Vans are going to be big. And there are innovations, like Alyssa Ettinger’s ceramics made from sweater molds (the fabric’s weave is visible as a pattern), and Mr. Poncho, an iPod holder with an attached spindle to store earphones.

    Roman Pietrs, 34, of Brooklyn, a graphic designer and musician, and his girlfriend, Sandy Hyun, 30, a jewelry designer, spent a month making 400 Mr. Ponchos. By the end of the fair, they had sold half of them, at $12 a piece.

    Not everything is a hit: Mr. Pietrs’s Kevin Federline doll languished. And even the designers themselves tire of the relentless scenesterism.

    “If I see any more cowboy boots,” said LeBrie Rich, 21, of Portland, Ore., who makes felt accessories, “I’m going to barf.”

    But the mustaches on a stick? Sold out.


     

    Influx From Zimbabwe to South Africa

    Benedicte Kurzen/EVE

    At the Central Methodist Church in Johannesburg, hundreds of Zimbabwean refugees gather each evening for prayer. South Africa’s services have been severely strained.

    June 23, 2007

    Influx From Zimbabwe to South Africa Tests Both

    JOHANNESBURG, June 22 — As Zimbabwe‘s disintegration gathers potentially unstoppable momentum, a swelling tide of migrants is moving into neighboring South Africa, driven into exile by oppression, unemployment and inflation so relentless that many goods now double in price weekly.

    South Africa is deporting an average of 3,900 illegal Zimbabwean migrants every week, the International Organization for Migration says. That is up more than 40 percent from the second half of 2006, and six times the number South African officials said they were expelling in late 2003.

    And that reflects only those who are captured. Many more Zimbabweans slip into the country undetected, although estimates vary wildly. In a nation of 46 million, most experts say, undocumented Zimbabweans could number several hundred thousand to two million.

    Social tensions are ratcheting up in both nations, as Zimbabwe’s adult population dwindles and South Africans, already burdened by high unemployment, face new competition for jobs and housing. The migrants also pose a diplomatic problem, because South Africa is trying to broker an end to Zimbabwe’s long political crisis without criticizing its government or appearing to have a major stake in the outcome.

    The situation is inflicting ever more misery on the Zimbabweans. The vast majority flee their country’s penury to find a way to support their families back home. But in South Africa they often find xenophobia, exploitation and a government unwilling and ill-equipped to help them.

    “There’s a lot of competition” with South Africans “for other resources like housing in informal settlements, access to limited primary health care and education,” said Chris Maroleng, an expert on Zimbabwe at the Institute for Security Studies, a research organization in Pretoria.

    South Africa’s government already struggles to provide free housing, medical care and employment for its own poorest, including the millions living in shantytowns. Here, where joblessness runs from 25 to 40 percent of adult workers, the Zimbabweans — now the nation’s largest migrant group — are increasingly seen as intruders, not victims, and clashes between the groups are not uncommon.

    Unquestionably, the Zimbabweans are victims first. A rising number claim to be refugees from persecution by President Robert G. Mugabe‘s police and by supporters of his ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front. Just six Zimbabweans sought political asylum in South Africa in 2001; last year, the total was nearly 19,000, more than a third of all asylum applications in South Africa.

    But most are fleeing privation, not persecution. Zimbabwe’s annual inflation rate was officially 4,530 percent in May; economists say it is at least twice that. Industries are operating at barely 30 percent of capacity, unemployment exceeds 80 percent and a disastrous harvest is likely to leave up to four million in need of food aid this year.

    A memorandum prepared by 34 international aid agencies, including the United Nations and the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, predicted this month that the country’s economy would cease to function by the end of this year.

    Remittances keep the economy afloat: half of all households get most of their money from distant friends and relatives, a Global Poverty Research survey concluded last June. More than one in five of those who sent money lived in South Africa, the most of any nation except Britain.

    Magugu Nyathi arrived in Johannesburg two and a half years ago and found work as a journalist for a Zimbabwe news organization. Her aunt, an office worker in Bulawayo, earns 400,000 Zimbabwe dollars a month — about $9, until the Zimbabwe dollar plummeted this week.

    Now the aunt’s monthly salary is worth about $2. She survives in part on a stipend from Ms. Nyathi.

    “There are families who don’t have a kid outside the country,” said Ms. Nyathi, who lives in Cape Town. “How are they surviving? Just think of it.”

    Ms. Nyathi is lucky as migrants go: she has a skill and has obtained a temporary permit that allows her to remain legally in South Africa while her application for asylum is processed. Because Zimbabwe was long one of the best-educated nations in Africa, a share of migrants — particularly teachers, who have often been targets of harassment by Mr. Mugabe’s supporters — stand a good chance of finding work in South Africa, legally or not.

    Johannesburg’s government said this week that 8 in 10 people who had visited a new office for migrant assistance were Zimbabwean, and that the visitors included mathematicians, geologists, engineers and experts in computers and aviation.

    But skills are no guarantee of employment. At the Central Methodist Church in downtown Johannesburg, hundreds of Zimbabwean refugees gather every evening, waiting for the doors to open so they can spend the night. They occupy several floors of the building, from the foyer to stairwells and meeting rooms.

    “Some of the people we have in this building are amazing,” said the Rev. Paul Verryn, the Methodist bishop of Johannesburg. “We have a doctor, two accountants, teachers, a health inspector — all sleeping on the floor.”

    Even qualified migrants find it hard to get jobs without work permits or temporary permits that allow migrants to stay while they apply for asylum.

    The permits are issued only in a handful of offices, and only at limited times. The Home Affairs Ministry, which regulates immigration, is frequently accused by Zimbabweans and advocacy groups of deliberately withholding permits, perhaps to force them to return home. More likely, it is simply overwhelmed: in Pretoria, for example, refugees often sleep on the streets outside the office to be the first of hundreds and even thousands who line up to apply for asylum.

    Those who apply for asylum wait years for a decision, as officials tackle a vast backlog. Last year, as nearly 19,000 Zimbabwean applications for asylum flooded in, Home Affairs processed fewer than 2,000 requests from past years and granted asylum to a mere 103 people.

    The growing crush of applicants presents the government with a delicate problem. During his seven years in office, President Thabo Mbeki has studiously avoided criticizing Mr. Mugabe’s authoritarian rule, and is trying to present himself as an impartial broker in negotiations between Mr. Mugabe and opposition politicians to lay the groundwork for a presidential election next year.

    When a leading opposition politician, Roy Bennett, fled Zimbabwe last year under threat of arrest, his application for political asylum was denied because the South African government decided that his claims of persecution were not founded. Mr. Bennett’s farm had been seized by the government, he had been imprisoned for a year for shoving a member of Parliament and he had been accused by the Zimbabwe police of plotting to murder Mr. Mugabe.

    Mr. Bennett eventually won asylum, but only after going to court.

    “The problem in giving someone asylum is that you have to make a statement about the country that individual is fleeing,” said Mr. Maroleng, at the Pretoria institute. “Politically, it raises questions, and it undermines the government’s policy on Zimbabwe, which is not to engage the government of Zimbabwe” on questions of repression and misrule.

    So migrants wait for a chance at legal residence that may never arrive. On Thursday, a schoolteacher and union official from Harare used his Zimbabwe civil-service passport to walk across the border in Beitbridge and make his way to Johannesburg.

    The teacher, who insisted on anonymity, said he had left his wife and two children behind because he was living in fear. He had been arrested and beaten after joining a union march in September, he said. “As we go forward toward elections in 2008,” he said, “we are again targets of violence. Every morning, my life was very much in danger.”

    But he might have stayed, he said, had his monthly salary not been the equivalent of $15.

    Another teacher, a friend, had fled Zimbabwe last year after government spies mistook a wake in her parlor for a meeting of opposition members, and set fire to her house, she said.

    “You don’t feel the pain on somebody when it’s not happening to you,” she said in a Johannesburg clinic for migrants seeking legal advice. “I never expected such a life. But I think there’s a reason why God wants this.”

    But for the moment, she said: “I just want a job. I can do dishes. I don’t mind that I was a teacher.”


     

    Bear Stearns to Rescue Fund

    June 23, 2007

    $3.2 Billion Move by Bear Stearns to Rescue Fund

    Bear Stearns Companies, the investment bank, pledged up to $3.2 billion in loans yesterday to bail out one of its hedge funds that was collapsing because of bad bets on subprime mortgages.

    It is the biggest rescue of a hedge fund since 1998 when more than a dozen lenders provided $3.6 billion to save Long-Term Capital Management.

    The crisis this week from the near collapse of two hedge funds managed by Bear Stearns stems directly from the slumping housing market and the fallout from loose lending practices that showered money on people with weak, or subprime, credit, leaving many of them struggling to stay in their homes.

    Bear Stearns averted a meltdown this time, but if delinquencies and defaults on subprime loans surge, Wall Street firms, hedge funds and pension funds could be left holding billions of dollars in bonds and securities backed by loans that are quickly losing their value.

    Bear Stearns acted yesterday after the hedge fund and a related fund had suffered millions in losses and after shocked investors had begun asking for their money back. The firm agreed to buy out several Wall Street banks that had lent the fund money, which managers hoped would avoid a broader sell-off without causing a meltdown in the once-booming market for mortgage securities.

    The firm is, meanwhile, negotiating with banks to rescue the second, larger fund started last August, which has more than $6 billion in loans and reportedly holds far riskier investments. Those negotiations were continuing yesterday, and it was unclear whether they would be successful.

    “We don’t think it is over,” said Girish V. Reddy, managing director of Prisma Capital Partners, which invests in other hedge funds. “More funds will feel the pain, but not many are as leveraged as the Bear fund.”

    Nervousness about the souring subprime loans and rising oil prices sent the stock market plummeting. Already down almost 60 points, the Dow Jones industrial average fell sharply after the announcement of the bailout and closed down 185.58 points.

    Shares of Bear Stearns closed down $2.06, to $143.75; the stock was down more than 4 percent for the week.

    For Bear Stearns, the drama surrounding its two troubled hedge funds has given it and its prestigious mortgage business a black eye. The bailout was a major departure for the firm, which has long resisted putting too much of its own capital at risk.

    But in this case, the stakes were too high. If lenders had seized the assets of the funds and tried to sell billions of dollars in mortgage-related securities at fire-sale prices, it could have exposed Bear Stearns and the market to substantial losses.

    While the board of Bear Stearns never met over the funds, all of its top executives, including the chief executive, James E. Cayne; its presidents, Alan D. Schwartz and Warren J. Spector; and the chief financial officer, Samuel L. Molinaro Jr., huddled in meetings over the last few days looking to find a way to contain the crisis, according to people briefed on the discussions who could not speak for attribution.

    Even Alan C. Greenberg, the 79-year-old former chairman, who spends less time these days on the firm’s matters but remains an active board member, became involved.

    Yet, as Bear Stearns worked to manage the crisis, many on Wall Street speculated about how the firm could let the funds get in such a precarious position.

    In fact, executives at Bear Stearns Asset Management had debated last summer whether to start the second hedge fund.

    The first fund, the Bear Stearns High-Grade Structured Credit Fund — the one bailed out yesterday — was started in 2004 and had done well, posting 41 months of positive returns of about 1 percent to 1.5 percent a month. But investors were clamoring for even higher yields, which would require more aggressive bets on riskier mortgage-related securities and significantly higher levels of borrowed money, or leverage, to bolster returns.

    The firm clearly had the expertise — it was a leader in underwriting and trading bonds and esoteric securities backed by mortgages. In addition, Ralph R. Cioffi, who ran the funds, had played a major role in building the Bear Stearns mortgage business.

    So, in August, the Bear Stearns High-Grade Structured Credit Enhanced Leveraged Fund — the second fund that eventually had huge losses — was started with $600 million in investments, mostly from wealthy individual clients of Bear Stearns, and at least $6 billion in money borrowed from banks and brokerage firms. Bear Stearns and a handful of its top executives invested a mere $40 million in both funds.

    The timing could not have been worse.

    By the end of last year, housing prices in many areas were cresting and beginning to fall. The decline began to expose lax lending standards in the subprime market. Soon borrowers started falling behind on payments just months after they closed on their loans, forcing several large lenders into bankruptcy protection.

    The Bear Stearns funds, like so many others, had invested in collateralized debt obligations, or CDOs, which invest in bonds backed by hundreds of loans and other financial instruments. Wall Street sells CDOs in slices to investors. Some of those pieces have low yields but they are easily traded and carry less risk; others are more susceptible to defaults and trade infrequently, which makes them difficult to value.

    Last year, $316.4 billion in mortgage-related CDOs were issued, about 77 percent more than the year before, the Securities Industry and Financial Markets Association said.

    At first, the Bear Stearns hedge funds appeared to weather the storm. But in March, the older fund registered its first loss. One investor, who asked not to be identified because he was trying to recover his investment, said that when he moved to get his money out, he was told investors had tried to redeem 10 percent of the fund.

    By April, the older fund was down by 5 percent for the year, and the newer fund had fallen 10 percent.

    Managers tried to protect the fund by hedging potential losses in lower-rated securities they held, but did not do so for higher-rated bonds, which also fell in value.

    “They didn’t realize this was Katrina,” the investor said. “They thought it was just another storm.”

    In May, however, more significant problems began to emerge. The Swiss investment bank UBS shut its hedge fund arm, Dillon Read Capital Management, after bad subprime bets led to a $124 million loss.

    Also that month, Bear Stearns Asset Management filed plans to start a public offering of a financial services firm called Everquest Financial, which, to some, appeared to be little more than a place to park the riskiest securities Bear Stearns had invested in. (The firm has no plans for now to move forward with the offering, according to a person briefed on the firm’s plans.)

    Perhaps the most startling development was a sharp restatement in April of the second fund. The firm revalued some securities and told investors that the fund was down 23 percent, not 10 percent as it had said earlier.

    Shocked investors began contacting Bear Stearns, demanding to pull their money out. In May, the firm froze all redemption requests. This month, at least three Wall Street firms — JPMorgan Chase, Citigroup and Merrill Lynch — began demanding more cash as collateral for the loans they had made.

    Fighting to save the funds, Bear Stearns sold $3.6 billion in high-grade securities. Meanwhile, its adviser, Blackstone, scrambled to line up a deal in which Bear Stearns would put up $1.5 billion in new loans and a consortium of banks led by Citigroup and Barclays would put in $500 million.

    In return, the lenders would have their exposure to the funds reduced but could not make further margin calls for 12 months.

    Some lenders, including Merrill Lynch and Deutsche Bank, balked and moved to sell assets. At one point Wednesday, nearly $2 billion in securities were listed for sale, although some banks, including JPMorgan, eventually canceled scheduled auctions.

    By the end of the day, out of the $850 million in securities that Merrill had put up for sale, only a small portion actually sold.

    In the wake of the weak auctions, several other lenders, including JPMorgan, Citigroup, Goldman Sachs and Bank of America, reached deals with Bear Stearns. At least some of the deals involved the lenders selling the securities back to Bear Stearns for cash, although the prices were not disclosed.

    Bear Stearns is bailing one of the funds out because it is worried about the damage to its reputation if it stuck investors and lenders with big losses, said Dick Bove, an analyst with Punk Ziegel & Company.

    “If they walked away from it, investors would have lost all their money and lenders would have lost all of the money,” Mr. Bove said. But “if they did that to everyone in the financial community, the financial community would have shut them down.”

    Gretchen Morgenson and Landon Thomas contributed reporting.


     

    Driving with rented risks

    DANGER IN TOW

    U-Haul International is the nation’s largest provider of rental trailers. A Times investigation finds the company’s practices raise the risk of accidents on the road.
    By Alan C. Miller and Myron Levin
    Times Staff Writers

    June 24, 2007

    Tucson — Marissa Sternberg sits in her wheelchair, barely able to move or speak. Caregivers are always at her side. Progress is measured in tiny steps: an unclenched fist, a look of recognition, a smile for her father.

    Nearly four years ago, Sternberg was a high-spirited 19-year-old bound for veterinary school in Denver. She rented a U-Haul trailer to move her belongings, hitched it to her Toyota Land Cruiser and hit the road with her two dogs and a friend.

    That evening, as the Land Cruiser descended a hill in the Chihuahuan Desert of New Mexico, the trailer began to swing from side to side, pushing the SUV as if trying to muscle it off the road.

    “I knew something bad was going to happen,” recalled Corina Maya Hollander, who was taking a turn behind the wheel. “We both knew.”

    The Land Cruiser flipped and bounced along Interstate 25. The trailer broke free and careened off the road. Hollander crawled from the wreckage, her head throbbing.

    Sternberg, who had been thrown from the SUV, lay sprawled on the highway, unable to move.

    “Where are my dogs?” she screamed. “Somebody go find my dogs!”

    Sternberg fell victim to a peril long familiar to U-Haul International: “trailer sway,” a leading cause of severe towing accidents.

    Traveling downhill or shaken by a sharp turn or a gust of wind, a trailer can begin swinging so violently that only the most experienced — or fortunate — drivers can regain control and avoid catastrophe.

    U-Haul, the nation’s largest provider of rental trailers, says it is “highly conservative” about safety. But a yearlong Times investigation, which included more than 200 interviews and a review of thousands of pages of court records, police reports, consumer complaints and other documents, found that company practices have heightened the risk of towing accidents.

    The safest way to tow is with a vehicle that weighs much more than the trailer. A leading trailer expert and U-Haul consultant has likened this principle to “motherhood and apple pie.”

    Yet U-Haul allows customers to pull trailers as heavy as or heavier than their own vehicles.

    It often allows trailers to stay on the road for months without a thorough safety inspection, in violation of its own policies.

    Bad brakes have been a recurring problem with its large trailers. The one Sternberg rented lacked working brakes.

    Its small and midsize trailers have no brakes at all, a policy that conflicts with the laws of at least 14 states.

    It relaxed a key safety rule as it pushed to increase rentals of one type of trailer, used to haul vehicles, and then failed to enforce even the weakened standard. Customers were killed or maimed in ensuing crashes that might have been avoided.

    The company’s approach to mitigating the risks of towing relies heavily on customers, many of them novices, some as young as 18. They are expected to grasp and carry out detailed instructions for loading and towing trailers, and to respond coolly in a crisis.

    But many renters never see those instructions — distribution of U-Haul’s user guide is spotty.

    To those who receive and read it, the guide offers this advice for coping with a swinging trailer: Stay off the car’s brakes and hold the wheel straight. Many drivers will reflexively do the opposite, which can make the swaying worse.

    Yet when accidents occur, U-Haul almost always blames the customer.

    Proper loading of the trailer is crucial in preventing sway. U-Haul tells customers to put 60% of the weight in the front half and suggests a three-step process to check that the load is balanced correctly.

    But the company has declined to offer an inexpensive, portable scale that would help renters get it right.

    U-Haul vigorously defends its safety record. Executives say that the company diligently maintains its fleet of more than 200,000 trucks and trailers, and that decades of testing, experience and engineering advances have steadily reduced its accident rates.

    “Our equipment is suited for your son and daughter,” said Edward J. “Joe” Shoen, chairman of U-Haul and its parent company, Amerco. “On a scale of 1 to 10, I’d say U-Haul is rated 10 in safety.”

    It is unknown how many U-Haul customers have crashed because of trailer sway. No government agency keeps track of such accidents, and U-Haul declined to provide a comprehensive count or year-by-year figures.

    But statistical snapshots the company has produced in civil litigation hint at the scope of the problem and show that it has persisted for decades.

    In a lawsuit stemming from the Sternberg crash, U-Haul listed 173 reported sway-related accidents from 1993 to 2003 involving a single trailer model.

    In a case from the 1970s, the company disclosed 1,173 such crashes involving all trailer types during a 3 1/2-year period.

    In other cases, it has listed up to 650 reported sway-related wrecks from about 1990 to 2002 involving two-wheeled trailers called tow dollies.

    Still, U-Haul says statistics indicate that drivers towing its trailers are less likely to crash than are other motorists. This is so, U-Haul says, because people drive more cautiously when moving their families and belongings.

    The claim has not been independently verified and is viewed skeptically by some outside experts.

    Shoen said sway-related accidents almost always result from customer mistakes, primarily failing to load the trailer properly and exceeding U-Haul’s recommended top speed of 45 mph. The company said both errors contributed to the Sternberg crash.

    “U-Haul customers drive the equivalent of to the moon and back over 10 times a day,” Shoen said in a recent conference call with investors, “and, regrettably, accidents occur.”

    TRAILER SWAY

    U-Haul International Inc., founded in 1945, is the leader of the do-it-yourself moving industry. It sends millions of Americans out on the road annually in its signature orange-and-white trucks and trailers.

    The Phoenix-based company, built on low cost and convenience, has about 1,450 company-owned centers and 14,500 independent dealers. It took in about $1.5 billion from equipment rentals last year.

    Many U-Haul customers are college students, weekend movers and others who have never hauled a trailer before.

    It is not unusual for a trailer to swing slightly. This normally poses little or no threat, but can be a sign of trouble.

    Accidents often happen when a driver gains speed going downhill. The trailer whips from side to side more and more powerfully and finally takes control of the tow vehicle — a situation known as “the tail wagging the dog.”

    Peter Keith, a Canadian safety expert, described the danger in a 1984 report for transportation officials in British Columbia.

    “When the trailer suddenly starts [to] swing violently, the driver can often be caught unawares and is further faced with a very dangerous situation which requires considerable skill and presence of mind to resolve,” Keith wrote. “Probably only a small minority of drivers are in practice capable of bringing the vehicle combination back under control.”

    The weight of the tow vehicle relative to the trailer is a crucial factor. The heavier the tow vehicle, the easier it is to control the combination.

    Richard H. Klein, an authority on trailer dynamics who has served as an expert witness for U-Haul, underscored the point during one court appearance. He was asked if he’d rather be driving “a larger tow vehicle than a smaller one” if a trailer began to swing.

    “Yes,” he replied. “That’s like motherhood and apple pie.”

    In keeping with this tenet, other major companies do not allow customers to pull rental equipment with passenger vehicles. Penske Truck Leasing and Budget Truck Rental compete with U-Haul in renting two types of tow equipment: tow dollies and auto transports.

    But Penske and Budget provide equipment only to customers who rent large trucks to pull the load. They say safety is the reason.

    Penske’s trucks are “engineered to pull these types of loads,” said spokesman Randolph P. Ryerson. The company has “no way to make sure other vehicles would have the same adequate towing capabilities,” he said.

    U-Haul allows customers to tow its trailers, tow dollies and other equipment with passenger vehicles as well as with the company’s large trucks. Most renters use SUVs or pickups, which have a high center of gravity and are prone to rollovers.

    Moreover, customers are permitted to pull trailers that weigh as much as or more than their own vehicles.

    Under U-Haul rules, the company’s largest trailers, which are equipped with brakes, can outweigh the customer’s vehicle by up to 25% when fully loaded. Smaller units, which do not have brakes, can weigh as much as the tow vehicle.

    U-Haul says extensive research at an Arizona test track and other sites has shown that its weight rules are safe, provided customers use its equipment as instructed.

    But the rules conflict with the safety recommendations of some auto manufacturers.

    Ford Motor Co., for example, advises owners of the 2007 Crown Victoria, which weighs about 4,100 pounds, to tow no more than 1,500 pounds. Owners of the lighter Mustang are advised not to pull a trailer weighing more than 1,000 pounds.

    U-Haul will allow a Crown Victoria to tow a trailer weighing up to 4,400 pounds and a Mustang to pull up to 2,500 pounds.

    (U-Haul has banned towing with Ford Explorers since late 2003. Shoen said the SUV was not unsafe but had become “a magnet for attorneys.”)

    Honda Motor Co. says its vehicles should not pull trailers that weigh more than 1,000 pounds unless the trailers have brakes. General Motors offers the same advice for many of its models. Nissan Motor Co. tells owners of its Pathfinder SUV that trailer brakes “MUST be used” with a trailer weighing 1,000 pounds or more.

    Yet U-Haul permits customers driving Pathfinders as well as Honda and GM vehicles to tow un-braked trailers that weigh more than that.

    Some vehicle makers also recommend using sway-control devices with trailers above certain weights. These devices come in various forms and include bars or brackets that limit side-to-side movement of the trailer.

    U-Haul says such equipment is not needed when “towing a properly loaded U-Haul trailer.”

    Automakers say their guidelines are meant to promote safety and prevent undue wear on engines, brakes and other components.

    “We would consider it unsafe to tow outside of those recommendations because that is what we tested the vehicle to be capable of towing,” said Honda spokesman Chris Martin. “We’d rather be safe than have someone get into an accident.”

    In response, U-Haul said: “Our recommendations are based upon 61 years of experience, knowledge of our rental trailers and exhaustive testing spanning decades.”

    TOWING HAZARDS

    Cargo trailers are not the only U-Haul equipment that is vulnerable to sway. It can also happen with the company’s tow dollies.

    Every year, hundreds of thousands of Americans use these two-wheeled trailers to haul vehicles across town or across the country.

    U-Haul imposed tough conditions when it began renting the devices in 1982. It required that the tow vehicle weigh at least twice as much as the one to be towed. This would “ensure adequate braking and control,” a company manual said.

    But the rule crimped sales. Towing a typical-size car required a giant pickup or similar vehicle. John C. Abromavage, U-Haul’s engineering director, testified in one lawsuit that the 2-to-1 standard “doesn’t make sense other than to restrict your own market.”

    In 1986, U-Haul relaxed the rule, requiring that the tow vehicle be only 750 pounds heavier than the one behind it. Over the next few years, the company increased the maximum weight of vehicles that could be hauled on dollies, and lifted a ban on towing with small jeeps and SUVs.

    The new policy boosted dolly rentals. But it conflicted with the guidelines of Dethmers Manufacturing Co., an Iowa firm that produced many of the U-Haul dollies used in the late 1980s and 1990s.

    Dethmers recommended that the tow vehicle weigh at least 1,000 pounds more than the dolly and the second vehicle combined.

    U-Haul said its relaxed standard still provided a reasonable safety margin. But in the past employees and dealers frequently ignored the rule, sometimes with tragic results, The Times found.

    Before renting a dolly, U-Haul agents were supposed to check a manual to make sure the tow vehicle was heavy enough. If not, the rental was to be rejected.

    That was news to two employees at a U-Haul dealer in Nogales, Ariz. In February 1999, one of them filled out a contract for a Ford Ranger to tow a Ford Tempo. The other hitched a tow dolly to the Ranger.

    Because the two vehicles weighed nearly the same, the rental was prohibited under U-Haul rules. Both employees said later in depositions that they had never seen, much less used, the U-Haul manual.

    Maria Lozano-Millan, 32, rode off in the Ranger with her 7-year-old son, Luis, and her sister. They drove to El Paso, picked up the sister’s disabled Tempo, and headed back home.

    They never made it.

    Descending a hill on Interstate 10 south of Benson, Ariz., the tow dolly and the Tempo fishtailed, pushing the Ranger off the road. The pickup’s roof was crushed as it skidded along a rocky outcropping, killing all three occupants.

    U-Haul denied the weight violation caused the accident. Responding to the family’s lawsuit, the company blamed Lozano-Millan’s sister for speeding and for hitting the brakes when the trailer began to sway, contrary to U-Haul’s safety instructions.

    But a former U-Haul area manager said under oath that the employees’ oversight caused the “senseless” tragedy.

    When he learned of the wreck, testimony showed, he called the dealership’s manager and said: “You just killed somebody.”

    U-Haul settled the case with an undisclosed payment. The company said it cut ties with the dealer, who violated “policies and procedures in the rental of this combination.”

    Mario Lozano, 50, Maria’s companion and Luis’ father, carries worn photos of them in his wallet and lights a candle in their memory on their birthdays.

    “Every day that passes is getting me closer to joining them somewhere,” he said.

    DEADLY RATIOS

    The Times reviewed police reports and other records on 222 crashes nationwide from 1989 through 2004 in which drivers lost control while pulling U-Haul tow dollies.

    In 105 cases, the documents contained enough detail to determine the vehicle weights.

    In 51 of those crashes — 49% — the rentals violated U-Haul’s rule requiring the tow vehicle to be at least 750 pounds heavier than the one being towed.

    In some of the crashes, the tow vehicle weighed less than the one it was towing.

    At least 12 people were killed in the ensuing wrecks.

    Unsafe weight combinations may not always be U-Haul’s fault. The company relies on the renters of dollies to provide accurate information about what kind of vehicle they will tow, and some do not, former employees said. It could not be determined if that happened in any of the cases studied by The Times.

    Casey Curtis, who rented a U-Haul dolly in 2002, said he was never asked what he planned to tow and didn’t realize weight could be a safety issue.

    Curtis, a construction worker from Orem, Utah, had the dolly hitched to his Suzuki Samurai and used it to tow a Geo Tracker, a vehicle of nearly equal weight.

    Going down a hill in Utah in high winds, the dolly began to slide side-to-side. Fighting for control, Curtis overcorrected the steering, a police report said. The trailer came loose and flipped. Curtis crashed head-on into an oncoming car.

    Several people were hurt. Curtis, then 25, escaped with minor injuries, but says he still has “slow-motion” nightmares about the wreck.

    “They didn’t even ask me what I was towing,” he said. “I had no idea what kind of consequences came from not having a heavier tow vehicle.”

    Steve Taub, U-Haul’s assistant general counsel, said the company has curbed weight violations. In 2001, it began phasing in a computerized towing manual that blocks the rental contract if an agent types in an improper combination. Taub said violations “are less of an occurrence now.”

    However, current and former U-Haul dealers and employees said the system, though an improvement, isn’t foolproof. A determined customer could lie about what he is towing — just as a dealer could deliberately enter the wrong vehicle model to complete the sale.

    U-Haul also says there have been fewer dolly accidents since a wider model, designed for greater stability, was phased in starting in the late 1990s. Shoen said it has eliminated sway: “We’re not experiencing it in the new product.”

    But documents produced by U-Haul in a Kentucky lawsuit show that several dozen customers have filed claims alleging that they lost control and crashed using the wider dollies.

    The Kentucky case involved just such an accident. Airline pilot Chris Burke was moving his family from Indiana to Florida in 2002, towing a Ford Contour. When the Contour fishtailed on Interstate 65 near Louisville, Burke’s Explorer smashed into a guardrail and flipped onto its side.

    Burke’s infant son, Ryan, suffered a fractured skull. His wife, Corry, 25, sustained severe spinal-cord damage, leaving her a paraplegic.

    The rental met U-Haul’s current weight standard, but Burke’s lawyers contended that the company should never have loosened its original 2-to-1 weight rule.

    “They knew then and they know now that you needed a larger vehicle in front,” lawyer Peter Perlman told the jury. “That’s just simply physics.”

    U-Haul’s lawyer responded that the current weight rule was “provably safe” and that the wider dolly “is safe, is stable, is controllable.”

    U-Haul contended that Burke was driving too fast — estimates of his speed ranged from 50 to 60 mph — and that he lost control on a rain-slick road.

    Nevertheless, the jury found U-Haul liable for renting “unreasonably dangerous” equipment and awarded $11.6 million in damages, reducing the amount by about a tenth after finding that Corry Burke was not wearing a seat belt.

    Chris Burke said the verdict has not diminished his bitterness.

    “Profits are No. 1,” he said of U-Haul. “Safety concern for their customer is last. My wife will never walk again. There’s not a day in my son’s life when she will be able to pick him up and hug him. A judgment can’t return that.”

    ‘HORRIBLE CONDITION’

    Marissa Sternberg was a born caregiver.

    At age 12, she worked with disabled children in a therapeutic horseback-riding program. When her grandmother was going blind, Sternberg read to her and served as her chauffeur. In high school, she nursed her dog back to health when the boxer was stricken with a potentially fatal disease.

    She went to grade school in Tucson with Corina Hollander’s son. Despite the difference in age, the women became friends, sharing a love of animals.

    In September 2003, Sternberg was set to start classes at a school in Denver that trains veterinary technicians, and she asked Hollander to make the drive with her.

    Sternberg and her boyfriend, Michael Lemons, packed her bed, television and other belongings into a 6-by-12-foot U-Haul trailer.

    They noticed the trailer was in “horrible condition,” Lemons recalled. Springs in the suspension were so corroded that they resembled “stalactites,” he said.

    Sternberg called a U-Haul helpline, and a representative agreed that she should exchange the trailer. But the next morning — Sept. 3 — an employee at a local U-Haul center made some minor adjustments and sent her on her way. Hollander said Sternberg was “agitated” about the trailer’s condition but eager to get going.

    By 10 a.m., they were on the road.

    As they left Tucson, the trailer began to rock Sternberg’s Land Cruiser — “like a boat,” Hollander recalled.

    Sternberg tapped the SUV’s brakes and the rocking stopped. This continued intermittently as they left Arizona and entered southern New Mexico.

    Late that afternoon, they stopped for gas near Socorro, N.M., and Hollander took the wheel. Soon after, the Toyota reached the crest of a hill on northbound Interstate 25 in the Sevilleta National Wildlife Refuge. Below, the Rio Grande meandered through a lush valley rimmed with rugged mountains.

    Hollander said she was going 45 to 50 mph and gained speed as she went downhill, reaching 60 mph. The trailer started to swerve. Hollander said she tapped the brakes but could not slow the vehicles. The swaying became violent.

    “There was no way you could control it,” she recalled. “It was sheer terror.”

    The Land Cruiser flipped, ending up on its side in the passing lane of the interstate. The trailer landed upside-down on the median.

    Passersby stopped to tend to the two women and summon help. One of Sternberg’s dogs was badly injured and had to be put down. The other lost a leg but survived.

    In the ambulance, Hollander said she told Sternberg: “Marissa, just tell my family that I love them very much, in case I don’t pull through this.”

    She said Sternberg responded: “Corina, we’re lucky to be alive. We’re going to be fine. We’re all going to be fine.”

    INOPERABLE BRAKES

    Experts who examined the trailer for Sternberg’s family found that its brakes were badly corroded and inoperable.

    A month earlier, a customer had rented the same trailer in Missouri, and the U-Haul agent told her “it had no brakes,” she said in a deposition.

    By the time Sternberg rented it, the trailer had not had a thorough safety check in more than eight months, according to its U-Haul inspection sticker. It had been rented 19 times in that period.

    Under U-Haul’s rules, the trailer should have undergone a “safety certification,” including a check of its brakes, tires and other essential parts, at least every 30 days.

    U-Haul initially said skid marks and other evidence suggested the brakes were working at the time of the accident. Later, Shoen acknowledged to The Times that they were not. Even so, the company said defective brakes did not cause the crash.

    After its investigators examined the battered trailer, the company said Sternberg loaded it improperly. U-Haul faulted Hollander for going too fast and turning the wheel when the swaying began.

    U-Haul also contended that Sternberg was not wearing a seat belt, although the state trooper who investigated the crash concluded that she was.

    Without admitting liability, the company settled the suit in May 2005. Sternberg attorney Patrick E. Broom declined to disclose the terms.

    Shoen said in an interview that the condition of the trailer was “totally unacceptable … whether we caused the accident or not.”

    U-Haul’s larger trailers have surge brakes that activate when the trailer pushes against the vehicle in front. They are designed to reduce wear on the brakes of the tow vehicle and make it easier to stop the combination.

    Safety experts say that once a trailer is swinging erratically, surge brakes won’t help. But by reducing the trailer’s speed, the brakes can help prevent swaying in the first place or limit it before it becomes severe, experts say.

    “If you do try to slow down and you can’t get adequate performance from the trailer brakes, it certainly would make it harder to get out of a sway situation,” said Robert Krouse, a General Motors engineer who is chairman of a Society of Automotive Engineers panel on towing.

    U-Haul says trailer brakes help with straight-ahead stopping but don’t reduce sway. Nevertheless, the company says, they should always work.

    The Times found recurring problems with U-Haul trailer brakes. As far back as 1966, U-Haul’s own insurer told the company it needed to do a better job maintaining them.

    “We are increasing the risk of an accident by sending a trailer with faulty brakes on a rental which we advertise and represent as being safely equipped with brakes,” wrote Frontier Insurance Agency of Portland, Ore. The memo surfaced in a lawsuit years later.

    A 1995 crash in Indiana drove home the potential consequences of brake failure. Two people were killed in the wreck, which police said was caused by inoperable brakes on a U-Haul auto transport.

    Shoen said U-Haul recognized in the late 1990s that trailer brakes were not being maintained well enough and responded by requiring more frequent inspections.

    In a statement, U-Haul said that despite isolated incidents, there was no “pervasive pattern” of brake failures.

    Yet problems have persisted.

    Architect Mark Letzer rented a U-Haul trailer in 2003 to move from Los Angeles to New Orleans. With his son, Devin, driving on Interstate 10 in Texas, the trailer whipped violently and their Honda Passport overturned.

    The elder Letzer, who was not wearing a seat belt, was thrown from the vehicle and killed.

    The family’s lawsuit said faulty trailer brakes helped cause the crash. The plaintiffs presented evidence that there was little or no brake fluid in the trailer and some brake pads were missing. The trailer had gone two months without a safety certification, according to its U-Haul inspection sticker. It had been rented nine times during that period.

    U-Haul said brake problems didn’t cause the accident. It blamed improper loading and said Devin Letzer drove too fast and braked and steered improperly when the trailer began to snake. His father contributed to the crash by grabbing the wheel, the company said.

    U-Haul settled the suit in February 2006.

    Eric Christensen, an engineer, was moving his family from Utah to New Hampshire in 2001, towing a trailer behind his Explorer. His father, Ronald V. Christensen, was riding with him.

    On an icy patch of Interstate 80 in Wyoming, the trailer whipped and both vehicles slid off the road. Neither man was injured, and they forged on, intending to exchange the trailer for a new one at a U-Haul center 70 miles ahead.

    Minutes later, coming down a steep grade, the trailer began swaying wildly. The Explorer overturned and rolled twice, killing Ronald Christensen.

    The family sued, citing expert reports that the trailer’s brake-fluid reservoir was dry. U-Haul records indicated that the trailer was more than a month overdue for a safety inspection.

    U-Haul contended that the brakes were working at the time of the accident and lost fluid later, when a hose was damaged in the towing of the wreckage.

    The company blamed Eric Christensen for driving too fast and braking and steering too sharply. U-Haul settled the suit on confidential terms.

    “My son’s growing up without his grandfather,” Christensen said recently. “I have to face my mom and my brothers and sisters thinking I was responsible for my dad’s death.”

    Lew Jones was moving furniture from North Carolina to Rochester, N.Y., in 2005 when he veered to avoid another car. Jones said his U-Haul trailer jackknifed, pushing his Jeep Cherokee into a guardrail. Jones’ wife escaped with minor injuries; he was unhurt.

    A Virginia state trooper found no fluid in the trailer’s brake reservoir. Because state law holds the driver responsible, he gave Jones an $86 ticket for driving with defective brakes. Jones’ auto insurer slapped him with a three-year, $846 surcharge.

    U-Haul denied the wreck resulted from a brake problem but declined to elaborate.

    Trooper Scott T. Parsons said the accident might not have happened if the trailer had working brakes. “There’s a reason those brakes are on those trailers,” he said, “and that’s to help in control of the vehicle.”

    NO BRAKES AT ALL

    With some U-Haul trailers, the issue is not bad brakes but a lack of brakes.

    Most states require surge brakes on larger trailers such as the model Sternberg rented. At least 14 states also mandate brakes on smaller trailers under common conditions. Yet U-Haul ignores this requirement, renting small and midsize trailers that have no brakes.

    In general, the state regulations say that trailers below 3,000 pounds must have brakes if they exceed 40% of the tow vehicle’s weight. By that standard, two popular, un-braked U-Haul cargo trailers are frequently in violation of the rules.

    For instance, U-Haul’s 5-by-8-foot trailer, which weighs 2,700 pounds fully loaded, would be required to have brakes unless the tow vehicle weighed at least 6,750 pounds. Only giant pickups weigh that much. U-Haul routinely rents the trailer to customers using much smaller tow vehicles.

    Shoen acknowledged that U-Haul was not in compliance with the state motor vehicle codes but suggested it was a trifling matter. To make his point, he pulled out a news clipping about a 201-year-old North Carolina law barring unmarried couples from living together.

    What’s important, Shoen said, is that vehicles towing U-Haul equipment can stop within state-mandated braking distances.

    “The laws you’re referring to are well-known to people at the state jurisdictions,” he said. “But what happens is they enforce, or don’t enforce, depending upon what the public good is.”

    WITHOUT WARNING

    John Abromavage, U-Haul’s engineering director, once testified that as a witness for the company in some 200 cases, he had never seen an accident he regarded as U-Haul’s fault.

    Richard Klein, the trailer expert and U-Haul consultant, said in an interview that “U-Haul trailers and tow dollies are the most highly tested equipment in the industry…. Sway is not a problem with a properly loaded and driven trailer.”

    Peter Keith, the Canadian safety expert, offered a similar appraisal based on investigating tow-dolly crashes for U-Haul: “These accidents never occur when a vehicle is being driven in anywhere close to the manner in which it’s meant to be.”

    The fault, in U-Haul’s view, nearly always lies with customers — for loading the trailer incorrectly, driving too fast or otherwise failing to heed safety instructions.

    They should know better, according to U-Haul. Taub, the U-Haul attorney, said the company’s safety guide is given out “virtually without exception.”

    But former U-Haul employees and dealers said many customers did not receive guides. Some said they were too busy to distribute them. Steve Eggen, a former dealer in Alameda, Calif., said he left the pamphlets on a counter, and at most half his customers picked one up.

    Tammie Wise, a onetime dealer and U-Haul general manager in Northern California, said that with long lines of anxious customers and few employees, “there just wasn’t enough time” to make sure everyone got a copy.

    In addition, the guides are not available in Spanish, though many customers are Latino. Shoen said a Spanish-language guide was “a nice idea,” but “we don’t have a big demand for it.”

    Christian S. Strong said he and Mindy Swegels were never informed of the risks when they rented a trailer to tow his motorcycle.

    Strong and Swegels, who had just become engaged, were returning to Kentucky from a Florida vacation in May 2002. On Interstate 75 in Tennessee, the trailer swerved and their Ford Explorer flipped.

    Swegels, who was not wearing a seat belt, suffered multiple fractures and a head injury that left her brain-damaged, according to her lawsuit. U-Haul blamed inattentive driving and excessive speed.

    Swegels and Strong said that they never received the U-Haul user guide and that trailer decals citing a 45-mph speed limit were missing or illegible.

    To bolster their case, their engineering experts rented 12 U-Haul trailers at various sites. They said they were given user guides only twice.

    In February, the jury rejected the claim that the trailer was defective but found U-Haul negligent for failing to warn about the risks. It awarded nearly $2.6 million in damages.

    Strong said that if he’d known about the dangers of towing above U-Haul’s recommended 45-mph speed limit, he would have left his motorcycle behind.

    “I’m not going to risk my life to take a bike 850 miles,” he testified.

    Even when clearly communicated, the 45-mph limit is problematic.

    It’s a challenge for anyone traveling cross-country or around California, since prevailing speeds are often at least 70 mph on interstates. Some experts say going 45 mph on a major highway is hazardous because it increases the chance of being hit from behind.

    Shoen said the 45-mph ceiling was meant to “create a compensatory attitude.” Customers may not go 45, but “maybe they’ll go 55 or 60,” he said.

    Yet, when accidents happen, a standard U-Haul defense is that the driver exceeded the 45-mph limit.

    Failing to properly distribute the load in the trailer is another customer error often cited by U-Haul. A company manual once called it “sheer suicide!”

    The safety guide tells customers to put 60% of the weight in the trailer’s front half to promote stability. The instruction is underscored by a line inside the trailer. The guide describes a series of measurements to make sure the weight is distributed correctly.

    A portable scale that could help renters ensure proper loading has long been available. U-Haul has used such a scale during accident investigations, but it does not offer one to customers to help prevent accidents.

    Sherline Products Inc. of Vista, Calif., sells a portable trailer scale to farmers, ranchers and owners of recreational vehicles for $110.

    Craig Libuse, the company’s marketing director, said executives wrote to U-Haul in the mid-1990s offering to design a version that could be built into U-Haul trailers. Another option was for U-Haul to rent scales to customers.

    Sherline said the scale’s wholesale cost would be $55.

    Libuse said U-Haul never responded. U-Haul said it had no record of the proposal. The company said a scale was unnecessary because its loading instructions had proved sufficient.

    “There’s no mystery to loading a trailer,” Shoen said. “You need it heavier in front. It’s just that simple.”

    HOLDING ON

    When Brian Sternberg arrived at the hospital in Albuquerque, he didn’t recognize his daughter.

    Marissa had suffered numerous fractures, as well as heart and lung damage and a severe head injury. The cumulative trauma caused brain damage that became evident soon after the accident.

    By the time her father saw her, she could no longer speak or move. Physicians put the odds against her survival at 200 to 1.

    But Marissa held on. She spent four weeks in the trauma unit of the University of New Mexico Hospital before being transferred to a rehabilitation center in Austin, Texas. Her mother, Lisa, spent eight months with her there.

    Marissa’s first word was: “Home.” Since then, she has spoken only an occasional word.

    The Sternbergs, who have long been prominent in Tucson philanthropic circles, built an airy, art-filled house for their daughter next to their own home in the foothills of the Santa Catalina Mountains. Four caregivers tend to her around the clock.

    “I’m looking to make her comfortable,” said Brian, 48, who owns a wholesale food company with his brother.

    After discovering that the nearest neurological rehabilitation center was more than 100 miles away in Phoenix, the Sternbergs funded construction of a state-of-the-art facility in Tucson.

    The center has 100 patients and a staff of 10. Marissa, now 23, receives therapy there five days a week. She has made progress, but doctors have told the family the most they can expect is that Marissa will learn to “follow commands,” her father said. He called this “the best case, and the worst case.”

    “It’s not like tomorrow’s going to be a different day,” he said. “It’s a dream we just haven’t woken up from, a nightmare.”


    alan.miller@latimes.com

    myron.levin@latimes.com



    Times researcher Janet Lundblad contributed to this report.

     

    Alaska

    M. Scott Moon/Peninsula Clarion, via Associated Press

    June 17, 2007
    Cold Spell

    Up North, Looking for Direction

    SCOURING the tundra for the source of the next big boom is the Alaskan way.

    Skin it, mine it, fish for it, drill for it.

    It has all paid off, at least for a while. It has also propped up the state’s place in the national mythology — the alluring frontier detached on the map but also a critical supplier of the world’s wants.

    Now, as oil production continues its steady decline, and the temperature creeps higher, it is far from clear what the next big boom might be, or what Alaska might become without one. Nearing a half-century of statehood, the wildest and most mysterious of American places could use a reliable map to the future. Fog seems to be rolling in instead.

    Political scandal has erupted, leading to indictments for state lawmakers and even raising questions over the dealings of Senator Ted Stevens, “Uncle Ted,” the great provider for the Great Land. Global warming is puddling the permafrost and threatening coastal villages. The federal government, which spends more money on Alaska per capita than it does on any other state, may no longer be such a sugar daddy. The population, which once surged and plummeted with fortunes found and dashed, now relies more on trusty old biological reproduction for replenishment than some new rush of speculators.

    “It’s sort of like this dance that keeps on changing, but it keeps us dancing,” said Neal Fried, an economist with the state’s Department of Labor. “In some ways you just have to sit back and say, wow, this is pretty amazing.”

    Or you could confront it.

    “Alaskans are kind of saying, What is the next boom?” said Senator Lisa Murkowski. “I think it is a hard question to answer and I think it’s wise for us to talk kind of beyond the boom-and-bust path we’ve been on. Why does it have to be a boom and bust? When will we get ourselves on a more sustainable path?”

    Or you could drop all diplomacy.

    “We’re basically divorced from reality up here,” said Andrew Halcro, a Republican who ran for governor last year as an independent. “People say: ‘Wow, we got a Gap or a Banana Republic, everything must be cool.’ But what you don’t look at is the big picture.”

    In Alaska, of course, the picture is really big. In a state with 663,000 square miles and barely one person for each of them, it is easy to see things from a different point of view.

    “We’ve been saying disaster is around the corner for years and we’ve been wrong many times,” said Gregg Erickson, an economist in Juneau who writes a newsletter about the state budget.

    Asked what the future might hold once the oil finally does dry up, Mr. Erickson said: “Who knows? But we can see some outlines.”

    Many ideas come straight out of the old extraction-economy playbook. The new Republican governor, Sarah Palin, a former suburban mayor, beauty pageant queen and exponent of something previously untranslatable in Alaska politics, “transparent government,” is pushing for a new pipeline that would pump trillions of cubic feet of natural gas from the North Slope to the lower 48 states, potentially delivering another Alaska boom, or at least a boomlet.

    Still, even if that happens, and virtually everyone in Alaska hopes it does, most experts say the benefits will be far less than those of the Trans Alaska Pipeline, whose construction, completed 30 years ago, transformed the state.

    Since the oil bust of the mid-1980s, the economy has been growing, slowly but steadily. A Target store, the first in Alaska, is set for construction outside downtown Anchorage, a stamp of retail arrival. But the backbone of the growth has been oil and federal money.

    The underlying challenges are only expected to sharpen: The state has a small, aging population. It depends on oil for more than 80 percent of state revenue. While tourism, fishing and cargo shipping are growing, they are not about to supplant oil, and there is no other obvious source for major revenue that could. Not only is there no state income tax or many other fees, nearly every Alaskan gets a check each year from the state based on investments from oil revenues. Last year, the checks were for $1,107.

    That tension is not new, but there is more. Beginning in the late 1990s, as Mr. Stevens, a Republican, became chairman of the Senate’s Appropriations Committee, federal spending in Alaska eventually doubled, going from $4.2 billion in 1995 to $8.4 billion in 2004. Now that Democrats have taken control of Congress, the senator is no longer chairman.

    “They see about three years’ worth of federal projects in the pipeline, and then after that there’s nothing,” said Mr. Halcro, the former candidate for governor. “I’ve heard from very credible sources that the people of Alaska are going to be surprised at how little federal money is coming in.”

    One of those sources was Senator Murkowski, also a Republican. She was appointed to office in 2002 by her father, Frank, who held the seat for 22 years before he left to run for governor. Ms. Murkowski said last week that with Democrats in control and so-called earmarks under greater scrutiny in both parties, “the way we have typically done business or operated as a state is changing.” Big building projects like, say, Ted Stevens Anchorage International Airport, may be on the way out.

    “When you think about how the monies have come to the state, so much of it has been because we needed to build a certain capacity that states in the lower 48 have had for generations,” Ms. Murkowski said. “We were in that catching-up period. It wasn’t more than our fair share, it was our fair share. We were maturing as a state.”

    Ms. Murkowski, 50, is among a younger generation of politicians, along with Ms. Palin, 43, and Mayor Mark Begich of Anchorage, a Democrat, who cast themselves as more inclined to find common ground than make deals behind closed doors.

    Senator Murkowski uses words like “sustainable” when she talks about developing natural resources, and she expresses interest in alternative energy like ocean, wind, geothermal and solar. But like Senator Stevens and Don Young, the state’s sole representative in the House and also a Republican, she supports drilling for oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, a proposal that would increase oil revenues but has little support in the Democratic Congress.

    Alaska has an emergency option should it ever need one, and it is like no other: the Permanent Fund, a $39 billion colossus built on oil revenues over the course of 31 years. The account earns the interest that provides residents with their annual dividend.

    But the few politicians who publicly support tapping it for other purposes are usually met with an icy public response. Few are standing up for big new taxes, either. Calls for a “long-range plan” are drowned out in the search for a new resource boom. How about a controversial gold mine in Bristol Bay? The natural gas pipeline? Drilling in the refuge?

    “People keep punting because they hope the next big development is going to bail us out,” said Stanley E. Senner, executive director of Audubon Alaska, who spends much of his time working to protect wilderness areas from some of those proposals. “That constant pressure is there. You have a lot of Alaska sort of collectively holding its breath.”


     

    The Florsheims

    Darren Hauck for The New York Times

    Tom Florsheim Sr., center, with his sons Tom, left, and John. They restored family control at Florsheim

    June 24, 2007

    The Florsheims, Back in Their Own Shoes

    IF a death notice had been drafted for the Florsheim Group in 2001, the year that the company went on life support, it might have read something like this:

    A well-known company, whose shoes outfitted generations of American boys and men for school, work, weddings and funerals for most of the 20th century, died yesterday. Once a small, profitable and highly regarded family business, Florsheim, owned for the past 50 years by outside investors, succumbed to loads of debt, lackadaisical vision and outdated styling. Florsheim, 110 years old, is survived by a slew of much hipper brands.

    But if the famous old shoemaker was once on the verge of being shoved six feet under, how has it come to pass that Thomas Florsheim Jr., 49, a great-grandson of the company’s founder, is touting Florsheim’s new fall selection? As Mr. Florsheim strolls around his Manhattan hotel room — refitted to resemble a shoe store — he is in full pitchman mode, parsing the nuances of soles, lasts and uppers. He’s also contrite about Florsheim’s failures.

    “Look, we know what people think when they think of us: they think of wing tips, the capped toe, the really brogue shoes and that we had gotten to a point where we were very stodgy,” he says, fingering racks filled with the company’s new line — some 80 percent of which, he says, has been overhauled over the last three years. “But we’re moving the needle in terms of style.”

    Five years ago, when Apollo Management, then the majority owner of Florsheim, put the shoemaker into bankruptcy, the company was in shambles: most of its 200 retail stores were losing money, licensing deals with designers like Joseph Abboud had proved a bust, many of its factories were operating at well below capacity and its product pipeline was outdated and shoddy. That’s when the Florsheims — the family, not the company — did a bit of, well, sole searching.

    Driven by sentiment as much as opportunity, two of the Florsheim scions, Thomas Jr. and John, along with their father, Thomas Sr., bought the broken shoemaker in 2002 for about $45 million, nearly 50 years after their family first gave up control. Since reacquiring the shoemaker that bears their name, the Florsheims have achieved the improbable.

    “They’ve picked their family name out of the garbage bin and polished it up and made it a success again,” says Joseph Gomes, a retail analyst at McGinn Smith & Company. “In a business that continues to be dominated by bigger and bigger players, that has not been an easy thing to do.”

    But if Florsheim’s second act offers a crash course in resurrecting a failed brand name, it also sheds light on the fragility of family succession and control in even the most established of enterprises — and how botched transfers of power from one generation to another at Florsheim caused conflicts that separated the family from its legacy for decades.

    “Running any family business is notoriously troublesome, and very few ever make it into the fifth generation,” John Florsheim says. “This one almost didn’t, partly because of the relationship between my father and my grandfather. There was no love lost between them.”

    Florsheim’s turnaround comes just as so-called heritage brands — weathered brands like Dr. Scholl’s and Chuck Taylor — have found a growing cachet among younger customers. But analysts still question whether Florsheim itself can capitalize on that trend by making long-term customers out of fickle 18- to 25-year-olds who are coveted shoppers in the $25 billion domestic footwear industry.

    “We are at a time and place when resurrecting brands is at an all-time high — what was once old and obsolete is now new again,” says Marshal Cohen, chief analyst at the NPD Group, a research firm that tracks retail trends. “The question is whether the brand can truly step out of its comfort zone to push the envelope with a younger generation. Just because you resurrect a brand doesn’t mean you are going to stay there.”

    AS Mr. Florsheim paces around his hotel room, he stops midstride and points at the calfskin toe of his 10-D, low-slung brown leather loafer. “A couple of years ago, there wasn’t a shoe in the Florsheim line that I would have worn,” he says. “We don’t think we’re Gucci, but our styling is much more contemporary now.”

    Making Florsheim more contemporary has paid off. The Florsheims own more than a third of a small, publicly traded company near Milwaukee, the Weyco Group, that distributes such moderately priced footwear lines as Nunn Bush, Stacy Adams, Brass Boot and, of course, the revived Florsheim. While the Weyco Group does not record the separate earnings of its three shoe divisions, company officials said that Florsheim had pretax profits of more than $15 million last year on sales of $95 million, compared with pretax losses of $26 million on sales of $183 million in 2001. (The 2001 figure, however, included sales at more than 170 retail stores that have since been shuttered.)

    In the first quarter this year, Florsheim enjoyed pretax profits of around $4 million on sales of $27 million, company officials said. The company said Florsheim’s strong performance has been a catalyst in Weyco’s soaring stock price, which has climbed more than 300 percent, to $25 a share, since Weyco acquired the shoemaker.

    While Florsheim’s numbers are promising, the company is still haunted by its own peculiar ghosts. Although younger family members say they’re proud to be born with the name Florsheim, at one time arguably the most famous brand in the shoe trade, they spent most of their adult careers working for a rival and viewing the company that bore their name as little other than the competition.

    “It was always a bit strange walking around with this last name, but having no real association with the company,” John Florsheim says. “No matter where I was, it just didn’t add up to people.”

    By his own acknowledgment, Thomas Florsheim Sr. is partially responsible for his sons’ estrangement from the shoe line that bears their name; he cites fallout from a schism with his father, the late Harold Florsheim, the last family member to run the company. Thomas Sr. is one surviving Florsheim who drew a steady paycheck from the old Florsheim company. He says that while Florsheim was a family-run enterprise when he arrived in the late 1950s, the culture was stiff and undemocratic, much like its founder: Milton Florsheim, his grandfather.

    Milton Florsheim was a cobbler’s son who started the company in Chicago in 1892, hoping to produce high-quality men’s dress shoes at moderate prices. Early on, he proved to be a visionary entrepreneur: instead of selling his shoes wholesale and allowing stores to put their own labels on his products, he decided that his company’s livelihood should be in establishing direct ties to customers. As a result — and to the chagrin of retailers — he put the Florsheim name directly on the shoe’s pull-strap and sole, a move that in the coming years would become standard at other shoe companies.

    The company’s growth took off when Milton persuaded entrepreneurs to open their own Florsheim retail stores, in some cases ponying up seed capital for a piece of the business and giving them huge Florsheim signs to hang above the store door. The brand was positioned as “the aspirational shoe for the average guy,” John Florsheim says. It was a message that took hold in small towns nationwide.

    By the mid-1920s, before the Great Depression crippled the company, Florsheim boasted 2,500 employees, 5 factories, 71 retail outlets, 9,000 dealers and a network of regional wholesale distributors. Milton’s sons, Irving and Harold, helped to keep the company afloat during the Depression and later steered it back onto solid financial ground. When Milton died in 1936, Irving took over. A few years later, with Irving’s health failing, Harold assumed control.

    Harold’s ascent introduced the rift that would eventually divide the family. To Harold’s credit, Florsheim prospered financially under his leadership — though not as a family-owned business. In 1952, he sold it to the International Shoe Company (now called Interco), then among the largest shoe manufacturers in the world. As a subsidiary to a division of Interco, and with Harold still firmly in charge, Florsheim blossomed, doubling its sales to more than $350 million over the next decade, even as the parent company floundered, according to John Florsheim.

    At the time, Florsheim also enjoyed about a 70 percent share of the men’s dress shoe market and accounted for more than half of Interco’s earnings, family members say.

    Harold was twice-married, and Thomas Sr. is one of three children born to his first wife. “I didn’t grow up with him around, and so we were not very close at all,” says Thomas Sr. of his relationship with his father, who died in 1987. “The truth is that we never really got along well.”

    Still, after finishing graduate school at the University of Chicago, Thomas Sr. scrapped his plans to become an anthropologist and joined Florsheim instead. “I came in under the notion that they wanted me to run the company one day,” he says.

    What followed was an apprenticeship in the men’s shoe business, as Thomas Sr. was tutored in sales, finance, marketing and distribution. Still, as he recalls, he spent much of his time clashing with his father over Florsheim’s strategic direction. Some run-ins were relatively minor, like the disagreement over his father’s refusal to permit him to buy advertising in Playboy magazine. “In the early ’60s, Playboy was probably the best place for us to advertise,” Thomas Sr. says. “But my father thought it was too risqué.”

    Other battles, though, were much more consequential — like the dispute over Thomas Sr.’s insistence that in order to remain competitive, Florsheim needed to develop a line of casual shoes, reduce its labor costs by moving production overseas, and end partnerships to make women’s shoes, which, in his opinion, were a costly diversion away from its male customer base.

    “We got into terrible fights,” he recalls. “I realized that as long as my father was there, I would never run the business. He wanted the authority. But as long as I was there, I wanted to be my own boss.”

    The opportunity came in the mid-1960s, when he met Frank Weyenberg, whose family founded the Weyenberg Shoe Manufacturing Company, a distributor of midpriced casual shoes. Thomas Sr. bought $750,000 in stock from Mr. Weyenberg and in 1964 told his father that he was quitting.

    “It was like I had committed treason,” he says. “My father couldn’t understand why I was leaving. And he told me that it was a mistake and that I’d be sorry.” He adds: “When I left, those were the happiest days of my life. I couldn’t understand why I had stayed for nine years.”

    With Mr. Weyenberg as his business partner, Thomas Sr. began building the kind of shoe company he wanted. To round out the Weyenberg company portfolio, Thomas Sr. acquired the Nunn Bush Shoe Company, a maker of affordable men’s dress shoes, and Stacy Adams, known for its midpriced, urban designs. He also started Brass Boot, a line of fashionable men’s shoes made in Europe. Thomas Sr. said his best acquisitions, however, were his sons: after Thomas Jr. received his M.B.A. from Columbia University in 1987, he joined the company, and his brother John, a graduate of Brown University, joined in 1994 after working four years at Mars Inc., the candy company.

    “Based on his own experiences, he was very aware of the pitfalls in a family business,” John Florsheim says. “I have to say that our father went out of his way to include us in all business decisions.”

    WHILE Weyenberg was thriving, Florsheim’s fortunes had begun to erode. The biggest blow came in 1988, when Capital City Associates, a buyout firm, tried to take over Interco, Florsheim’s parent. Although Interco managed to stave off the hostile offer, the battle proved costly. A stock buyback plan saddled the company with $1.9 billion in debt that forced it to liquidate some of its holdings and cut back on various materials and processes used to produce Florsheim shoes.

    Customers noticed the change almost instantly. “There was a time when if you carried Florsheim products, you couldn’t go wrong,” says Gary Hauss, 51, president of J. Stephens, a shoe store chain in California and Arizona that has sold the Florsheim line since 1972. “But then they started taking quality out of the product, while the price went up. It was a short-term fix that ended up biting them,” hurting the company’s performance. “You can’t fool customers.”

    Mr. Hauss says sales of Florsheim shoes at his company amounted to $350,000 last year, down from $1.3 million in 1991 .

    When Interco filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in 1991, one of its advisers during its financial reorganization was Leon D. Black’s Apollo Investment Fund. Apollo, which got a majority stake in Interco when it emerged from bankruptcy a year later, would later spin off Florsheim as a publicly held company while remaining its largest shareholder.

    But Florsheim was still riddled with problems, including the loss of two big customers to bankruptcies in the late 1990s. And while licensing deals, the introduction of such subbrands as @ease for younger buyers and a high-end golf line called Frogs added much-needed revenue to the company, the ventures also diverted the company’s attention from its core customer base.

    “It was clear that over time, the company had lost its way,” says Gilbert W. Harrison, the chief executive of Financo Inc., an investment bank that Apollo retained to help sell the company.

    From the sidelines, the Florsheims watched and waited as their once-revered rival slid deeper into an abyss. On a couple of occasions, they approached Florsheim’s owners to discuss buying the company, but the talks always stalled over price. “There were a lot of people interested in the company,” Mr. Harrison says, “and many potential buyers.”

    The idea of bringing Florsheim into Weyco’s fold never ceased tantalizing the family. The shoemaker’s enviably recognizable brand, its robust wholesale business, and the way its shoes complemented Weyco’s existing brands, all made Florsheim seem a perfect fit. Often, the Florsheim men would talk wistfully about owning Florsheim — and not simply for business reasons, but because they believed they ought to control a company that sold products carrying their name.

    “Things were getting so bad over there that we decided to be patient and wait and then buy the company in bankruptcy,” says Thomas Jr. That moment came in 2002. Bidding alone, the Weyco Group agreed to acquire Florsheim’s American and European wholesale businesses, all of its European retail stores and 23 of its 217 domestic retail stores for about $45 million. It also acquired worldwide rights to the Florsheim name.

    “When it finally happened, all I can remember is how scared I was,” Thomas Jr. says. “All of a sudden, we had the Florsheim name back. Now we had to make it mean something again. I was happy; I was scared.”

    Thomas Sr. says he felt no such fear — only pride. “It was a very emotional moment for me. It was something that I have always dreamed of doing.”

    ON a recent morning at Weyco’s nondescript headquarters near Milwaukee, rap music is pumping out on the radio in the design area. Making his rounds through the corridors, Thomas Jr. drops by and appears unfazed by Biggie Smalls’s booming endorsement of dames, diamond rings and Dom Perignon. He knows that more than anything, Florsheim needs a heavy dose of youthful energy. To that end, he greets his cast of Gen Y-looking designers with a slight nod, hanging around just long enough to review the layout of a future catalog before slipping out to resolve some distribution problems.

    Weyco faces a delicate balancing act as it tries to make Florsheim live up to its new tag line, “The Best … Again!” In some cases, the renewal effort has meant jettisoning longtime customers. For example, shortly after acquiring Florsheim, Weyco cut its ties to the Sears department store chain, which sold a subbrand of Florsheim casual shoes called FLS.

    Thomas Jr. says he killed the line because, even though it might have added cachet to Sears stores, it put a damper on the high-quality image Florsheim wanted to project going forward. Weyco offered to substitute the Nunn Bush line in place of Florsheim, but the offer was flatly rejected, Thomas Jr. says. Instead, Sears retaliated by pulling Stacy Adams, Weyco’s midmarket urban fashion line, from its stores, Thomas Jr. says.

    A Sears spokesman declined to comment about the company’s dealings with Weyco. “They were just mad, and we walked away from about $10 million worth of business,” Thomas Jr. says. “It was just a bad day.”

    For his part, Thomas Sr., 77, says he is looking forward to brighter days at Florsheim now that his children are running it. He retired in 1999, but is confident someone named Florsheim will stay in the saddle.

    “I’ve always wanted to have something for all the years I worked,” he says. “One of my greatest prides is that two of my boys have come into the business. If they leave, somebody in the family will probably come along to take over. I might not be around to see it, but that is my hope.”


     

    When Computers Attack

    Jeffrey Smith

    Robert Nickelsberg/Getty Images

    CRASH BANG Governments are readying themselves for the Big One, an attack on computer systems

    June 24, 2007
    Bit Wars

    When Computers Attack

    ANYONE who follows technology or military affairs has heard the predictions for more than a decade. Cyberwar is coming. Although the long-announced, long-awaited computer-based conflict has yet to occur, the forecast grows more ominous with every telling: an onslaught is brought by a warring nation, backed by its brains and computing resources; banks and other businesses in the enemy states are destroyed; governments grind to a halt; telephones disconnect; the microchip-controlled Tickle Me Elmos will be transformed into unstoppable killing machines.

    No, that last item is not part of the scenario, mostly because those microprocessor-controlled toys aren’t connected to the Internet through the industrial remote-control technologies known as Scada systems, for Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition. The technology allows remote monitoring and control of operations like manufacturing production lines and civil works projects like dams. So security experts envision terrorists at a keyboard remotely shutting down factory floors or opening a dam’s floodgates to devastate cities downstream.

    But how bad would a cyberwar really be — especially when compared with the blood-and-guts genuine article? And is there really a chance it would happen at all?

    Whatever the answer, governments are readying themselves for the Big One.

    China, security experts believe, has long probed United States networks. According to a 2007 Defense Department annual report to Congress, China’s military has invested heavily in electronic countermeasures and defenses against attack, and concepts like “computer network attack, computer network defense and computer network exploitation.”

    According to the report, the Chinese Army sees computer network operations “as critical to achieving ‘electromagnetic dominance’ ” — whatever that is — early in a conflict.

    The United States is arming up, as well. Robert Elder, commander of the Air Force Cyberspace Command, told reporters in Washington at a recent breakfast that his newly formed command, which defends military data, communications and control networks, is learning how to disable an opponent’s computer networks and crash its databases.

    “We want to go in and knock them out in the first round,” he said, as reported on Military.com.

    An all-out cyberconflict could “could have huge impacts,” said Danny McPherson, an expert with Arbor Networks. Hacking into industrial control systems, he said, could be “a very real threat.”

    Attacks on the Internet itself, say, through what are known as root-name servers, which play a role in connecting Internet users with Web sites, could cause widespread problems, said Paul Kurtz, the chief operating officer of Safe Harbor, a security consultancy. And having so many nations with a finger on the digital button, of course, raises the prospect of a cyberconflict caused by a misidentified attacker or a simple glitch.

    Still, instead of thinking in terms of the industry’s repeated warnings of a “digital Pearl Harbor,” Mr. McPherson said, “I think cyberwarfare will be far more subtle,” in that “certain parts of the system won’t work, or it will be that we can’t trust information we’re looking at.”

    Whatever form cyberwar might take, most experts have concluded that what happened in Estonia earlier this month was not an example.

    The cyberattacks in Estonia were apparently sparked by tensions over the country’s plan to remove Soviet-era war memorials. Estonian officials initially blamed Russia for the attacks, suggesting that its state-run computer networks blocked online access to banks and government offices.

    The Kremlin denied the accusations. And Estonian officials ultimately accepted the idea that perhaps this attack was the work of tech-savvy activists, or “hactivists,” who have been mounting similar attacks against just about everyone for several years.

    Still, many in the security community and the news media initially treated the digital attacks against Estonia’s computer networks as the coming of a long-anticipated new chapter in the history of conflict — when, in fact, the technologies and techniques used in the attacks were hardly new, nor were they the kind of thing that only a powerful government would have in its digital armamentarium.

    The force of the attack appears to have come from armies of “zombie” computers infected with software that makes them available for manipulation and remote command. These “bot-nets” are more commonly used for illicit activities like committing online fraud and sending spam, said James Andrew Lewis, director of the Technology and Public Policy Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

    The main method of attack in Estonia — through what is known as a digital denial of service — doesn’t disable computers from within, but simply stacks up so much digital debris at the entryway that legitimate visitors, like bank customers, can’t get in.

    That is not the same as disabling a computer from the inside, Mr. Lewis stressed. “The idea that Estonia was brought to its knees — that’s when we have to stop sniffing glue,” he said.

    In fact, an attack would have borne real risks for Russia, or any aggressor nation, said Ross Stapleton-Gray, a security consultant in Berkeley, Calif. “The downside consequence of getting caught doing something more could well be a military escalation,” he said.

    That’s too great a risk for a government to want to engage in what amounts to high-tech harassment, Mr. Lewis said. “The Russians are not dumb,” he said.

    Even if an Internet-based conflict does eventually break out, and the dueling microchips do their worst, it would have a fundamentally different effect from flesh-and-blood fighting, said Andrew MacPherson, research assistant professor of justice studies at the University of New Hampshire. “If you have a porcelain vase and drop it — it’s very difficult to put it back together,” he said. “A cyberattack, maybe it’s more like a sheet that can be torn and it can be sewed back together.”

    That is why Kevin Poulsen, a writer on security issues at Wired News, said that he had difficulty envisioning the threat that others see from an overseas attack by electrons and photons alone. “They unleash their deadly viruses and then they land on the beaches and sweep across our country without resistance because we’re rebooting our P.C.’s?” he asked.

    In fact, the United States has prepared for cyberattacks incidentally, through our day-to-day exposure to crashes, glitches, viruses and meltdowns. There are very few places where a computer is so central that everything crashes to a halt if the machine goes on the blink.

    Russian space engineers struggled to fix crashing computers aboard the International Space Station that help keep the orbiting laboratory oriented properly in space — if they hadn’t been fixed, the station might have had to be abandoned, at least temporarily.

    Down on earth, by comparison, this correspondent found himself near the Kennedy Space Center in a convenience store without cash and with the credit card network unavailable. “The satellite’s down,” the clerk said. “It’s the rain.” And so the purchase of jerky and soda had to wait. At the center’s visitor complex, a sales clerk dealt with the same problem by pulling out paper sales slips.

    People, after all, are not computers. When something goes wrong, we do not crash. Instead, we find another way: we improvise; we fix. We pull out the slips.


     

    Hamilton makes his own fortune

    Maurice Hamilton
    Sunday June 24, 2007

    Observer

    At this point 12 months ago, Fernando Alonso’s second world championship seemed a formality. The Spaniard had won six of the first nine races and finished second in the other three. Michael Schumacher, his closest rival, had won just two and lagged 25 points behind him. It was assumed Alonso would be able to cruise the remaining 11 races, more or less with his elbow sticking out of the metaphorical window. In the event, the German won five of the next seven and Alonso struggled to finish second twice. The title ran to the wire in October as Alonso finished first and second in the final rounds.

    The Spaniard will be hoping that history repeats itself, but with the roles reversed, as he licks his wounds following an embarrassing mauling by his young team-mate in North America. Victories for Lewis Hamilton in Canada and the USA have given the Englishman a 10-point lead in the championship as the teams return to Europe. A win for Alonso at Magny-Cours in France next weekend, coupled with a problematic race for Hamilton, could balance the books as the championship moves to Silverstone on 8 July, yet the reigning champion now knows enough to appreciate that Hamilton is not only a formidable opponent, but also one who seems to have beginner’s luck riding on his side.

    Hamilton may have been favoured by good fortune in Montreal when his first pit stop fell just before the safety-car period that wrecked Alonso’s already shaky chances of success, but there was nothing fortuitous about the manner in which Hamilton dealt with his fellow McLaren driver at Indianapolis last Sunday.

    It is clear that Hamilton has learned how to make his luck after the dice had failed to roll his way in Monaco on 27 May. By qualifying second, Hamilton found himself consigned to the supporting role as the team’s strategy followed an understandable logic that favoured Alonso’s leading car. Hamilton put that right in North America by taking two successive pole positions and dictating the pace. Alonso may have compounded his troubles by driving wildly in Montreal. However, last weekend, he did everything possible to redress the balance – and failed.

    The McLaren-Mercedes pair were in a class of their own at Indianapolis, Hamilton fending off Alonso during the dash to the first corner. When circumstances – fuel load and tyres – gave Alonso a marginally faster car in the middle phase of the race, he closed on Hamilton and even went so far as to tell the team that he was quicker and should be allowed to take the lead. McLaren’s response is not recorded, but is believed to have been along the lines of: ‘If you are faster, then you are free to try and take the lead’. At that moment, Alonso was probably the only person at the famous motor speedway who disapproved of McLaren’s thoroughly commendable policy of allowing their drivers to race each other (unlike at Ferrari, where the number-two drivers were prevailed upon not to challenge Schumacher).

    When Hamilton was held up slightly behind a back-marker as the leaders reached the very fast banked section leading on to the long main straight, Alonso saw his chance. This was a severe test for any driver, never mind a novice in only his seventh grand prix. As we have come to expect, Hamilton under pressure showed a coolness that belied his 22 years. There was not a hint of a desperate defensive move or a locked brake as they ran side by side at 200mph and braked for the 65mph first corner. Alonso, well and truly dispatched, allowed his emotion to surface briefly at the end of that lap as he ran close to the pit wall beneath the McLaren management. Such a public display of petulance can only have broadened Hamilton’s permanent smile.

    The young Briton is the only driver to have finished on the podium in every race. Given Ferrari’s disappointing failure to keep pace with McLaren, there is no reason why Hamilton cannot continue his run next weekend. Even if he fails to finish and Alonso wins, Hamilton knows he will at least be joint leader of the championship for his home race a week later. He will also know that should unsettle Alonso even more.

    Guardian Unlimited © Guardian News and Media Limited 2007

     

    Today’s Blogs

    The Bad Shepherds
    By Michael Weiss
    Posted Friday, June 22, 2007, at 5:58 P.M. E.T. 

    Bloggers speculate what’ll be disclosed in the release of the CIA’s “family jewels.” They also debate the merits of the Muslim niqab in British society, and whether eating garbage can be counted as anti-capitalist and eco-friendly.

    The bad shepherds: The CIA is declassifying tranches of documents that reveal the agency’s illegal activities from the 1950s to the 1970s. From coup attempts in the Third World to surveillance of anti-war and black militant groups, the shadowy intelligence apparatus has been up to no good since its inception. And how’s it doing these days?

    “I have rarely been surprised or horrified by what the CIA has done down through the years ‘in our name.’ ” Conservative Rick Moran at Right Wing Nuthouse writes. “The world is a cold, brutal place and there are many times when the ‘ends/means argument’ is not relevant. Nor is the criticism that there was ‘no moral difference’ between what the Soviets were doing and what the CIA did valid. Of course there was a difference; they were the enemy and what the CIA did most of the time to protect the United States was its own moral justification – survival.” Lefty Meteor Blades at Daily Kos doesn’t expect to be surprised this time, either: “[T]he CIA’s airing of its dirty laundry is what, in the Watergate days, was called a ‘modified limited hang-out’ of documents from a long while back, and there are unlikely to be any major new revelations. We’ll never know what got shredded or disposed of in burn bags. Still, the documents should add considerable detail to what was exposed by previous investigations.”

    Washington gossip rag Wonkette thinks the timing of the release is a wag-the-dog scheme, even if the mutt in this case is pretty mangy: “If any of those activities sound suspiciously like things the CIA is currently in trouble for, guess what: You’ve figured out why they’re releasing the details of 30-50-year-old crimes in 2007! Now, sadly, you must be destroyed.”

    North Carolina lawyer Andrew at The Green Automobile hits the same plus ca change note: “The good news is the CIA no longer kidnaps, wiretaps, breaks in or spies on people. Just ask Khalid al Masri and Senator Jay Rockefeller. Or former CIA director Porter Goss, for that matter. It makes me sick that these SOBs stash the smoking guns for 30+ years, and then, after the smoke clears, they have the nerve to say, ‘That was then, this is now.’ Over and over and over again, and the people of this country believe it and act like it’s ancient history.”

    Historian/journalist Mike Brooks at historymike thinks there might be a file on him in some of those dusty documents: “I remember paticipating in one protest in the late 1980s. … Men in suits with cameras took pictures of protesters and the license plates of vehicles in which they drove to the protest, and what was most interesting (and scary) was the fact that these nameless faces actually smirked when I asked them what they were doing.”

    At Nunc Scio, Graeme Stewart quips, “But what I really want to know is how they turned Matt Damon into a badass assassin. Or perhaps where I can get Franka Potente‘s phone number.”

    Read more about the CIA’s “family jewels.”

    Under cover of darkness: More Muslim women in Britain are donning face-covering veils, know as niqabs, to the chagrin of passers-by and everyone else whose face you can see. Some proponents say they’re routinely harassed and aggravated by strange looks. Other Brits say the niqab is anti-social.

    At The Muslim Woman, New Delhi native “Scorpio Teddy” supports those who opt for the garment: “Muslim women have been wearing burka or nikab for time immemorial. While few have been forced to wear it as a compulsion, some wear it as a ritual, while the rest for their self-pleasure. But, burqa is considered as a kind of subjugation and backwardness, but when religion permits, what can others do? And, more importantly, why?”

    One woman quoted in the story says, “Every day people are giving me dirty looks for wearing it, but when you wear something for Allah you get a boost.” But conservative Brit David Vance at A Tangled Web shoots back: “Quite, and if Ms Muse wants to continue to get ‘her boost’ for wearing the veil of Islam she should return to Somali where it may indeed be high fashion but Britain should NOT accept the mask of Islam as evidenced in the Burqa or Niqab.”

    At the river of bees college sophomore Alex McLeese thinks Muslim women in niqabs are no different than punks in mohawks: “Sure, it is a mark of separation in that it is Muslims who wear this kind of clothing, but people set themselves apart with their clothing choices all the time: it is mostly Goths who wear all black on a regular basis, mostly ‘urban’ youth who wear baggy clothes, mostly skateboarders who wear skater backpacks and skate shoes, mostly soccer fans who wear Arsenal or Liverpool jerseys, and so on. What’s the difference?”

    Read more about the Muslim veil in Britain.

    One man’s trash, another man’s dinner: Freegans eat food from the garbage and collect tossed-away housewares, all out of a desire to counter our wasteful consumerist culture and the bourgeois capitalist superstructure. Or something.

    Harrison Scott Key at evangelical World magazine’s WorldViews finds a common bond with freegans: “For you crusty homeschool types, meet the final frontier. Weirdo hippies and weirdo homeschoolers (I’m only one interesting month away from either category) may soon find themselves in the same dumpster.”

    Obsessed with all things inane, Mark Percival argues that freeganism suffers from a major ideological contradiction: “But you really have to wonder about the logic in this. To be truly ‘Freegan’ means that your essentially living off someone else refuse, and not a complete abstaining from consumer products. If everyone adhered to this principle then even the ‘Freegans’ would be totally screwed. I’d be much more impressed if they could just live on less, rather than ride the trash coat tails of modern society.”

    Read more about freegans.

    Michael Weiss, a writer in New York, is co-founder and managing editor of Snarksmith.com.

     

    Hilton schedules first Post-Jail Interviews

     
    Paris Hilton confirmed today that Larry King of CNN will be the first to interview the hotel heiress once she is released from the county jail in Lynwood.

    Hilton is to slated to appear on CNN’s “Larry King Live” at 6 p.m. on Wednesday.

    She is scheduled to be released from jail sometime Tuesday.

    “I am thrilled that Larry King has asked me to appear on his program to discuss my experience in jail, what I have learned, how I have grown and anything else he wants to talk about,” Hilton said in a statement released today. “LarryKing is not only a world-renown journalist, but a true American icon. It will be an honor to do his show.”

    A spokesperson for King said Hilton will be interviewed for the entire hour and that no issues will be off limits.

    Barbara Walters of ABC was reportedly going to interview Hilton first, then Meredith Vieira of NBC was said to have the first interview.

    But both networks came under attack from media ethicists who alleged their news divisions were evading longstanding bans on paying for interviews by offering to pay up to $1 million in licensing fees for the use of Hilton family photos.

    NBC reportedly won the bidding war, but then dropped plans to interview the heiress-turned-inmate amidst the criticism.

    There was no word on whether Hilton will be paid for the CNN interview.

    Kathy Hilton visited her daughter behind bars today, ABC7 reported. In brief comments to the media, she said her daughter is still complaining about the food.

    Meantime, temporary “no parking” signs have been set up in the “The Simple Life” star’s Hollywood Hills neighborhood to try and keep the media circus at bay when she returns home.

    In other Hilton news, Earl Ofari Hutchinson renewed his call for the heiress to use her celebrity status to help inmates with mental problems.

    “Paris Hilton says she will go on the Larry King Show and tell how the jail experience has changed her and that she wants to make a difference in people’s lives,” Hutchinson said in a statement released tonight. “The Los Angeles Urban Policy Roundtable continues to urge her to speak up and out on the King show for the needy, especially for those mentally challenged female inmates that routinely do not receive the quality medical care she did in the county jail.”

    He said her “advocacy for a social cause will send a positive message that she has truly changed and sincerely cares about the plight of the poor and underserved. The Los Angeles Urban Policy Roundtable will publicly stand with her in support if she chooses to make that change.”

    Hilton was sentenced to 45 days in jail for driving on a suspended license in violation of her probation in a drunken driving case.

    Sheriff Lee Baca was accused of giving the 26-year-old celebrity the star treatment when he tried to reassign her to home confinement after just three days in jail, citing an undisclosed medical condition.

    A judge ordered her back to jail the next day.

    Baca said Hilton actually received harsher punishment than most people convicted of the same offenses, and the Los Angeles Times recently reported that the wife of City Attorney Rocky Delgadillo, who sought the 45-day sentence, had also been cited while driving on a suspended license and received a fine and no jail time.

    Copyright © 2007, KTLA

     

    Today’s Papers

    Private Dick
    By Roger McShane
    Posted Sunday, June 24, 2007, at 6:04 A.M. E.T.

    The Washington Post leads with a looming teacher shortage, but devotes the majority of its front page to the first installment in a series examining Dick Cheney’s “largely hidden and little-understood role in crafting policies for the War on Terror, the economy and the environment.” The New York Times leads with a look at Cape Verde, the tiny West African nation that acts as a case study in global migration. The Los Angeles Times leads with a very long (nearly 6,000 words) report that will make you think twice before renting a U-Haul trailer. After a yearlong investigation, the Times found that “the company’s practices raise the risk of accidents on the road.”

    In 2001, shortly after Dick Cheney took the oath of office, Dan Quayle tried to explain to him that vice presidents don’t really do much. As Quayle recalls, Cheney smirked and explained that he had “a different understanding with the president.” Indeed, he did. The WP notes that from the start, Cheney has had an unprecedented mandate to play a role in whatever areas of the administration he chooses. In this report, the Post goes behind the scenes and explains how Cheney’s secretive maneuvering allowed him to guide the administration’s policies in the war on terror. Most striking is how potential dissenters are left out of the loop. For example, as Cheney’s small cadre of legal experts was drafting plans for a domestic surveillance program, they bypassed the ranking national security lawyer in the White House (as well as Congress).

    Online the WP publishes readers’ comments directly below the Cheney piece. Someone named Sheri Rogers asks a particularly pertinent question: “What do we have to do to get the press to do a better job of critical reporting when it’s happening instead of six-and-a-half years later?” (To its credit, the Post has broken or moved along a number of stories on the administration’s more secretive programs.)

    TP likes that the NYT has used its lead to look at migration from a global perspective, instead of simply focusing on America’s southern border. But the topic is so broad, even with regard to Cape Verde, that the piece becomes a bit unwieldy. We meet an H.I.V.-positive man who’s been kicked out of the United States, a boy studying to become a Dutch citizen, a woman who relies on her granddaughter’s remittances, a child whose mother and father have emigrated, a local man whose business is failing because so many people have left the country … TP could go on. Nevertheless, if you can keep up, it’s a great piece of journalism.

    Complete with multiple photo galleries and an impressive interactive graphic, the LAT lead will make sure you remember the words “trailer sway” before making your next move. In the most severe cases, trailer sway (when a trailer swings from side to side) can cause you to lose control of your car and flip (see the graphic).

    TP was somewhat skeptical of the LAT report when he read that since the government doesn’t keep track of such accidents “[i]t is unknown how many U-Haul customers have crashed because of trailer sway.” But the “statistical snapshots” provided by the company in litigation and cited by the Times are reassuring (from the perspective of a media critic … not so much as a driver). For example, in one lawsuit, “U-Haul listed 173 reported sway-related accidents from 1993 to 2003 involving a single trailer model.” In other cases, the company “has listed up to 650 reported sway-related wrecks from about 1990 to 2002 involving two-wheeled trailers called tow dollies.” U-Haul says people are packing the trailers incorrectly, driving too fast or doing something else wrong.

    The NYT plays catch-up with a front-page story on Iran’s “ferocious” crackdown on dissent. The LAT led with it two weeks ago, while the WP stuffed it last weekend. It seems the NYT has talked to the same Iran experts as the WP. The analysts describe the crackdown as either an “attempt to roll back the clock to the time of the 1979 revolution” (NYT) or an “attempt to steer the oil-rich theocracy back to the rigid strictures of the 1979 revolution” (WP). All in all, the NYT report doesn’t bring much new to the table.

    No matter which paper you read, the situation in Iran is pretty depressing. The government is harassing (and, in many cases, jailing) anyone who dares to challenge its policies. For a quick glimpse into the nightmare, check out the unbelievable photo that tops the NYT report (online at least). It shows a police officer forcing a man whose clothes were deemed un-Islamic—he’s wearing a T-shirt—to suck on a jug that Iranians use to wash themselves after defecating. (Such photos are distributed by the government to dissuade folks from dressing in ways it considers provocative.)

    The NYT fronts word that Gen. David Petraeus’ progress report on Iraq will have competition, as the administration is commissioning other assessments. But perhaps the Times has buried the lede. “The reality,” officials told the Times, “is that starting around April the military will simply run out of troops to maintain the current effort. By then, officials said, Mr. Bush would either have to withdraw roughly one brigade a month, or extend the tours of troops now in Iraq and shorten their time back home before redeployment.”

    Staying in the Middle East, Fatah has rebuffed an offer from Hamas to hold talks on re-forming the power-sharing government that was dissolved earlier this month amidst fresh violence.

    The WP says the United States will soon face a teaching shortage, “[a]s hundreds of thousands of baby boomers retire and the No Child Left Behind law raises standards for new teachers.” Hmm, TP has heard this one before. But the Post‘s report does seem to be based on empirical data. Three-quarters of public school teachers are women and one study shows that from 1964 to 2000 the share of female college graduates who became teachers dropped from 50 percent to 15 percent.

    The former presiding judge of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court yesterday criticized President Bush’s (or Dick Cheney’s) warrantless surveillance program.

    “The first comprehensive survey of 2008 battleground House seats shows Democrats holding a distinct edge,” reports the WP.

    Larry King will be the first to interview Paris Hilton after she gets out of the clink. But the most tempting headline of the day can be found elsewhere in the NYT: “Man Throws a Log at a Bear, Killing It.”

    TP’s Top Five List … The top five most secretive things about Dick Cheney from the WP lead:

    5. “In the usual business of interagency consultation, proposals and information flow into the vice president’s office from around the government, but high-ranking White House officials said in interviews that almost nothing flows out.”

    4. “Man-size Mosler safes, used elsewhere in government for classified secrets, store the workaday business of the office of the vice president.”

    3. “Even talking points for reporters are sometimes stamped ‘Treated As: Top Secret/SCI.’ “

    2. “Cheney declines to disclose the names or even the size of his staff, generally releases no public calendar and ordered the Secret Service to destroy his visitor logs.” (Three in one!)

    1. “His general counsel has asserted that ‘the vice presidency is a unique office that is neither a part of the executive branch nor a part of the legislative branch,’ and is therefore exempt from rules governing either.”

    Roger McShane writes for the Economist online.

     

    Today’s Papers

    Private Dick
    By Roger McShane
    Posted Sunday, June 24, 2007, at 6:04 A.M. E.T.

    The Washington Post leads with a looming teacher shortage, but devotes the majority of its front page to the first installment in a series examining Dick Cheney’s “largely hidden and little-understood role in crafting policies for the War on Terror, the economy and the environment.” The New York Times leads with a look at Cape Verde, the tiny West African nation that acts as a case study in global migration. The Los Angeles Times leads with a very long (nearly 6,000 words) report that will make you think twice before renting a U-Haul trailer. After a yearlong investigation, the Times found that “the company’s practices raise the risk of accidents on the road.”

    In 2001, shortly after Dick Cheney took the oath of office, Dan Quayle tried to explain to him that vice presidents don’t really do much. As Quayle recalls, Cheney smirked and explained that he had “a different understanding with the president.” Indeed, he did. The WP notes that from the start, Cheney has had an unprecedented mandate to play a role in whatever areas of the administration he chooses. In this report, the Post goes behind the scenes and explains how Cheney’s secretive maneuvering allowed him to guide the administration’s policies in the war on terror. Most striking is how potential dissenters are left out of the loop. For example, as Cheney’s small cadre of legal experts was drafting plans for a domestic surveillance program, they bypassed the ranking national security lawyer in the White House (as well as Congress).

    Online the WP publishes readers’ comments directly below the Cheney piece. Someone named Sheri Rogers asks a particularly pertinent question: “What do we have to do to get the press to do a better job of critical reporting when it’s happening instead of six-and-a-half years later?” (To its credit, the Post has broken or moved along a number of stories on the administration’s more secretive programs.)

    TP likes that the NYT has used its lead to look at migration from a global perspective, instead of simply focusing on America’s southern border. But the topic is so broad, even with regard to Cape Verde, that the piece becomes a bit unwieldy. We meet an H.I.V.-positive man who’s been kicked out of the United States, a boy studying to become a Dutch citizen, a woman who relies on her granddaughter’s remittances, a child whose mother and father have emigrated, a local man whose business is failing because so many people have left the country … TP could go on. Nevertheless, if you can keep up, it’s a great piece of journalism.

    Complete with multiple photo galleries and an impressive interactive graphic, the LAT lead will make sure you remember the words “trailer sway” before making your next move. In the most severe cases, trailer sway (when a trailer swings from side to side) can cause you to lose control of your car and flip (see the graphic).

    TP was somewhat skeptical of the LAT report when he read that since the government doesn’t keep track of such accidents “[i]t is unknown how many U-Haul customers have crashed because of trailer sway.” But the “statistical snapshots” provided by the company in litigation and cited by the Times are reassuring (from the perspective of a media critic … not so much as a driver). For example, in one lawsuit, “U-Haul listed 173 reported sway-related accidents from 1993 to 2003 involving a single trailer model.” In other cases, the company “has listed up to 650 reported sway-related wrecks from about 1990 to 2002 involving two-wheeled trailers called tow dollies.” U-Haul says people are packing the trailers incorrectly, driving too fast or doing something else wrong.

    The NYT plays catch-up with a front-page story on Iran’s “ferocious” crackdown on dissent. The LAT led with it two weeks ago, while the WP stuffed it last weekend. It seems the NYT has talked to the same Iran experts as the WP. The analysts describe the crackdown as either an “attempt to roll back the clock to the time of the 1979 revolution” (NYT) or an “attempt to steer the oil-rich theocracy back to the rigid strictures of the 1979 revolution” (WP). All in all, the NYT report doesn’t bring much new to the table.

    No matter which paper you read, the situation in Iran is pretty depressing. The government is harassing (and, in many cases, jailing) anyone who dares to challenge its policies. For a quick glimpse into the nightmare, check out the unbelievable photo that tops the NYT report (online at least). It shows a police officer forcing a man whose clothes were deemed un-Islamic—he’s wearing a T-shirt—to suck on a jug that Iranians use to wash themselves after defecating. (Such photos are distributed by the government to dissuade folks from dressing in ways it considers provocative.)

    The NYT fronts word that Gen. David Petraeus’ progress report on Iraq will have competition, as the administration is commissioning other assessments. But perhaps the Times has buried the lede. “The reality,” officials told the Times, “is that starting around April the military will simply run out of troops to maintain the current effort. By then, officials said, Mr. Bush would either have to withdraw roughly one brigade a month, or extend the tours of troops now in Iraq and shorten their time back home before redeployment.”

    Staying in the Middle East, Fatah has rebuffed an offer from Hamas to hold talks on re-forming the power-sharing government that was dissolved earlier this month amidst fresh violence.

    The WP says the United States will soon face a teaching shortage, “[a]s hundreds of thousands of baby boomers retire and the No Child Left Behind law raises standards for new teachers.” Hmm, TP has heard this one before. But the Post‘s report does seem to be based on empirical data. Three-quarters of public school teachers are women and one study shows that from 1964 to 2000 the share of female college graduates who became teachers dropped from 50 percent to 15 percent.

    The former presiding judge of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court yesterday criticized President Bush’s (or Dick Cheney’s) warrantless surveillance program.

    “The first comprehensive survey of 2008 battleground House seats shows Democrats holding a distinct edge,” reports the WP.

    Larry King will be the first to interview Paris Hilton after she gets out of the clink. But the most tempting headline of the day can be found elsewhere in the NYT: “Man Throws a Log at a Bear, Killing It.”

    TP’s Top Five List … The top five most secretive things about Dick Cheney from the WP lead:

    5. “In the usual business of interagency consultation, proposals and information flow into the vice president’s office from around the government, but high-ranking White House officials said in interviews that almost nothing flows out.”

    4. “Man-size Mosler safes, used elsewhere in government for classified secrets, store the workaday business of the office of the vice president.”

    3. “Even talking points for reporters are sometimes stamped ‘Treated As: Top Secret/SCI.’ “

    2. “Cheney declines to disclose the names or even the size of his staff, generally releases no public calendar and ordered the Secret Service to destroy his visitor logs.” (Three in one!)

    1. “His general counsel has asserted that ‘the vice presidency is a unique office that is neither a part of the executive branch nor a part of the legislative branch,’ and is therefore exempt from rules governing either.”

    Roger McShane writes for the Economist online.

     

    Friday, June 22, 2007

    Today’s Papers

    Cleaning Out Their Closet
    By Daniel Politi
    Posted Friday, June 22, 2007, at 5:55 A.M. E.T.

    The New York Times leads with a look at how the Supreme Court continued with its pattern of awarding pro-business decisions yesterday when it made it more difficult for investors to sue companies and their officials for fraud. By an 8-1 vote, the court ruled that a plaintiff has to show “cogent and compelling” evidence that demonstrates there was intent to deceive investors. The Washington Post leads with word that next week the CIA will release a series of records that detail the agency’s assassination attempts, domestic spying, and other such highlights from the 1950s to the 1970s. Many have been trying to get their hands on the documents, which are known as the “family jewels,” for years. The Wall Street Journal tops its world-wide newsbox with the military’s announcement that 14 Americans were killed in Iraq in the two-day period ending Thursday, mostly by roadside bombs.

    USA Today leads with a new study that says the death rate in New Orleans was 47 percent higher last year than two years before Hurricane Katrina hit the city in 2005. Many believe this increase is at least partly because of a lack of proper health care for city residents and evacuees. The Los Angeles Times leads locally but off-leads a look at how many U.S. troops in Iraq are choosing to walk instead of using vehicles because of the constant threat of powerful bombs that can go through armor. Army Lt. Gen Raymond Odierno, the top U.S. ground commander in Iraq, released a memo last week encouraging troops to “get out and walk.”

    The recent string of pro-business decisions, which the LAT looked at yesterday, comes at a time when the Bush administration is trying to use its remaining months in office to water down business regulations and make it harder for people to sue companies. One of the main targets is the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, which imposed new regulations after a series of accounting scandals. Many companies say it’s too expensive to comply with the law and contend that it’s leading some businesses to prefer foreign stock markets. Last year, Slate‘s Daniel Gross said that’s not really the reason why some are choosing to go abroad.

    CIA Director Michael Hayden said the documents will provide “a glimpse of a very different time and a very different agency” and emphasized that “most of it is unflattering, but it is CIA’s history.” The documents were first compiled in 1974 at the request of then-CIA Director James Schlesinger, who was concerned by accounts that the agency was involved in Watergate. Although most of what the documents contain is already known, the release will no doubt add detail to a period in the CIA’s history that many would rather forget.

    The WP, NYT, and LAT front new documents released by a House committee that show how, for the past four years, Vice President Dick Cheney’s office has refused to comply with an executive order that regulates how federal agencies handle classified information. There are also claims that Cheney’s office tried to abolish the National Archives’ Information Security Oversight Office after it tried to push for compliance. Although the vice president’s office fulfilled the oversight requirements in 2001 and 2002, it now believes that it shouldn’t be considered “an entity within the executive branch” because it also plays a legislative role. Although this fight is over a small amount of data, which is described as trivial, everyone notes it’s another example of Cheney’s efforts to envelop his office in secrecy.

    The WP fronts a look at the offensive U.S. troops in Iraq are carrying out south of Baghdad in an area known as Arab Jabour at the same time as another operation is going on in Diyala province. In the southern operation, U.S. troops are trying to prevent militants from leaving by bombing any possible escape routes. But the NYT says that many insurgents appear to have already escaped. In a separate story about the offensive in Diyala, the NYT reports that “for the first time since the assault began, Iraqi soldiers joined the operation in significant numbers.”

    The LAT fronts news that the Senate passed its energy bill yesterday, which included a measure that would increase the fuel efficiency requirement for cars, trucks, and SUVs to 35 miles per gallon from 25. The Post says that, if it becomes law, it would be the first major change to the fuel-efficiency law since 1975.

    The NYT fronts a look at how, after the 2004 elections, John Edwards created a nonprofit organization to fight poverty, raised money, and then used it for what looks like political purposes. Edwards used the money, which totaled $1.3 million in 2005, to keep political operatives on the payroll and to travel around the country to not only talk about poverty but also other national issues such as Iraq. Experts on nonprofit organizations say Edwards “pushed at the boundaries” of how much a tax-exempt organization can be used for specifically partisan political activities.

    The NYT fronts, and everyone mentions, a new study that shows firstborn children have a slightly higher IQ than their younger siblings. Researchers say the difference is not genetic but rather a result of the the way the children are treated by their parents.

    The NYT and LAT both take a look at the fight that’s breaking out between the television networks over who will get the privilege of conducting Paris Hilton’s first post-jail interview. The NYT talks to ABC News representatives, who say their $100,000 offer was no match to the “high six-figure deal” that NBC is willing to pay, although apparently no agreement has been reached yet. The LAT says NBC is considering handing out as much as $1 million. Of course, these aren’t payments for the interview directly but rather for “licensing” deals that are supposedly for the airing of personal material, such as photos and videos.

    Daniel Politi writes “Today’s Papers” for Slate. He can be reached at todayspapers@slate.com.

     

    Major General Smedley D. Butler, USMC [Retired]

    WAR IS A RACKET

    by Two-Time Congressional Medal of Honor Recipient:

    Major General Smedley D. Butler, USMC [Retired]

    Chapter One

    WAR IS A RACKET

    WAR is a racket. It always has been.

    It is possibly the oldest, easily the most profitable, surely the most vicious. It is the only one international in scope. It is the only one in which the profits are reckoned in dollars and the losses in lives.

    A racket is best described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of the people. Only a small “inside” group knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few, at the expense of the very many. Out of war a few people make huge fortunes.

    In the World War [I] a mere handful garnered the profits of the conflict. At least 21,000 new millionaires and billionaires were made in the United States during the World War. That many admitted their huge blood gains in their income tax returns. How many other war millionaires falsified their tax returns no one knows.

    How many of these war millionaires shouldered a rifle? How many of them dug a trench? How many of them knew what it meant to go hungry in a rat-infested dug-out? How many of them spent sleepless, frightened nights, ducking shells and shrapnel and machine gun bullets? How many of them parried a bayonet thrust of an enemy? How many of them were wounded or killed in battle?

    Out of war nations acquire additional territory, if they are victorious. They just take it. This newly acquired territory promptly is exploited by the few – the selfsame few who wrung dollars out of blood in the war. The general public shoulders the bill.

    And what is this bill?

    This bill renders a horrible accounting. Newly placed gravestones. Mangled bodies. Shattered minds. Broken hearts and homes. Economic instability. Depression and all its attendant miseries. Back-breaking taxation for generations and generations.

    For a great many years, as a soldier, I had a suspicion that war was a racket; not until I retired to civil life did I fully realize it. Now that I see the international war clouds gathering, as they are today, I must face it and speak out.

    Again they are choosing sides. France and Russia met and agreed to stand side by side. Italy and Austria hurried to make a similar agreement. Poland and Germany cast sheep’s eyes at each other, forgetting for the nonce [one unique occasion], their dispute over the Polish Corridor.

    The assassination of King Alexander of Jugoslavia [Yugoslavia] complicated matters. Jugoslavia and Hungary, long bitter enemies, were almost at each other’s throats. Italy was ready to jump in. But France was waiting. So was Czechoslovakia. All of them are looking ahead to war. Not the people – not those who fight and pay and die – only those who foment wars and remain safely at home to profit.

    There are 40,000,000 men under arms in the world today, and our statesmen and diplomats have the temerity to say that war is not in the making.

    Hell’s bells! Are these 40,000,000 men being trained to be dancers?

    Not in Italy, to be sure. Premier Mussolini knows what they are being trained for. He, at least, is frank enough to speak out. Only the other day, Il Duce in “International Conciliation,” the publication of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, said:

    “And above all, Fascism, the more it considers and observes the future and the development of humanity quite apart from political considerations of the moment, believes neither in the possibility nor the utility of perpetual peace… War alone brings up to its highest tension all human energy and puts the stamp of nobility upon the people who have the courage to meet it.”

    Undoubtedly Mussolini means exactly what he says. His well-trained army, his great fleet of planes, and even his navy are ready for war – anxious for it, apparently. His recent stand at the side of Hungary in the latter’s dispute with Jugoslavia showed that. And the hurried mobilization of his troops on the Austrian border after the assassination of Dollfuss showed it too. There are others in Europe too whose sabre rattling presages war, sooner or later.

    Herr Hitler, with his rearming Germany and his constant demands for more and more arms, is an equal if not greater menace to peace. France only recently increased the term of military service for its youth from a year to eighteen months.

    Yes, all over, nations are camping in their arms. The mad dogs of Europe are on the loose. In the Orient the maneuvering is more adroit. Back in 1904, when Russia and Japan fought, we kicked out our old friends the Russians and backed Japan. Then our very generous international bankers were financing Japan. Now the trend is to poison us against the Japanese. What does the “open door” policy to China mean to us? Our trade with China is about $90,000,000 a year. Or the Philippine Islands? We have spent about $600,000,000 in the Philippines in thirty-five years and we (our bankers and industrialists and speculators) have private investments there of less than $200,000,000.

    Then, to save that China trade of about $90,000,000, or to protect these private investments of less than $200,000,000 in the Philippines, we would be all stirred up to hate Japan and go to war – a war that might well cost us tens of billions of dollars, hundreds of thousands of lives of Americans, and many more hundreds of thousands of physically maimed and mentally unbalanced men.

    Of course, for this loss, there would be a compensating profit – fortunes would be made. Millions and billions of dollars would be piled up. By a few. Munitions makers. Bankers. Ship builders. Manufacturers. Meat packers. Speculators. They would fare well.

    Yes, they are getting ready for another war. Why shouldn’t they? It pays high dividends.

    But what does it profit the men who are killed? What does it profit their mothers and sisters, their wives and their sweethearts? What does it profit their children?

    What does it profit anyone except the very few to whom war means huge profits?

    Yes, and what does it profit the nation?

    Take our own case. Until 1898 we didn’t own a bit of territory outside the mainland of North America. At that time our national debt was a little more than $1,000,000,000. Then we became “internationally minded.” We forgot, or shunted aside, the advice of the Father of our country. We forgot George Washington’s warning about “entangling alliances.” We went to war. We acquired outside territory. At the end of the World War period, as a direct result of our fiddling in international affairs, our national debt had jumped to over $25,000,000,000. Our total favorable trade balance during the twenty-five-year period was about $24,000,000,000. Therefore, on a purely bookkeeping basis, we ran a little behind year for year, and that foreign trade might well have been ours without the wars.

    It would have been far cheaper (not to say safer) for the average American who pays the bills to stay out of foreign entanglements. For a very few this racket, like bootlegging and other underworld rackets, brings fancy profits, but the cost of operations is always transferred to the people – who do not profit.

    CHAPTER TWO

    WHO MAKES THE PROFITS?

    The World War, rather our brief participation in it, has cost the United States some $52,000,000,000. Figure it out. That means $400 to every American man, woman, and child. And we haven’t paid the debt yet. We are paying it, our children will pay it, and our children’s children probably still will be paying the cost of that war.

    The normal profits of a business concern in the United States are six, eight, ten, and sometimes twelve percent. But war-time profits – ah! that is another matter – twenty, sixty, one hundred, three hundred, and even eighteen hundred per cent – the sky is the limit. All that traffic will bear. Uncle Sam has the money. Let’s get it.

    Of course, it isn’t put that crudely in war time. It is dressed into speeches about patriotism, love of country, and “we must all put our shoulders to the wheel,” but the profits jump and leap and skyrocket – and are safely pocketed. Let’s just take a few examples:

    Take our friends the du Ponts, the powder people – didn’t one of them testify before a Senate committee recently that their powder won the war? Or saved the world for democracy? Or something? How did they do in the war? They were a patriotic corporation. Well, the average earnings of the du Ponts for the period 1910 to 1914 were $6,000,000 a year. It wasn’t much, but the du Ponts managed to get along on it. Now let’s look at their average yearly profit during the war years, 1914 to 1918. Fifty-eight million dollars a year profit we find! Nearly ten times that of normal times, and the profits of normal times were pretty good. An increase in profits of more than 950 per cent.

    Take one of our little steel companies that patriotically shunted aside the making of rails and girders and bridges to manufacture war materials. Well, their 1910-1914 yearly earnings averaged $6,000,000. Then came the war. And, like loyal citizens, Bethlehem Steel promptly turned to munitions making. Did their profits jump – or did they let Uncle Sam in for a bargain? Well, their 1914-1918 average was $49,000,000 a year!

    Or, let’s take United States Steel. The normal earnings during the five-year period prior to the war were $105,000,000 a year. Not bad. Then along came the war and up went the profits. The average yearly profit for the period 1914-1918 was $240,000,000. Not bad.

    There you have some of the steel and powder earnings. Let’s look at something else. A little copper, perhaps. That always does well in war times.

    Anaconda, for instance. Average yearly earnings during the pre-war years 1910-1914 of $10,000,000. During the war years 1914-1918 profits leaped to $34,000,000 per year.

    Or Utah Copper. Average of $5,000,000 per year during the 1910-1914 period. Jumped to an average of $21,000,000 yearly profits for the war period.

    Let’s group these five, with three smaller companies. The total yearly average profits of the pre-war period 1910-1914 were $137,480,000. Then along came the war. The average yearly profits for this group skyrocketed to $408,300,000.

    A little increase in profits of approximately 200 per cent.

    Does war pay? It paid them. But they aren’t the only ones. There are still others. Let’s take leather.

    For the three-year period before the war the total profits of Central Leather Company were $3,500,000. That was approximately $1,167,000 a year. Well, in 1916 Central Leather returned a profit of $15,000,000, a small increase of 1,100 per cent. That’s all. The General Chemical Company averaged a profit for the three years before the war of a little over $800,000 a year. Came the war, and the profits jumped to $12,000,000. a leap of 1,400 per cent.

    International Nickel Company – and you can’t have a war without nickel – showed an increase in profits from a mere average of $4,000,000 a year to $73,000,000 yearly. Not bad? An increase of more than 1,700 per cent.

    American Sugar Refining Company averaged $2,000,000 a year for the three years before the war. In 1916 a profit of $6,000,000 was recorded.

    Listen to Senate Document No. 259. The Sixty-Fifth Congress, reporting on corporate earnings and government revenues. Considering the profits of 122 meat packers, 153 cotton manufacturers, 299 garment makers, 49 steel plants, and 340 coal producers during the war. Profits under 25 per cent were exceptional. For instance the coal companies made between 100 per cent and 7,856 per cent on their capital stock during the war. The Chicago packers doubled and tripled their earnings.

    <P align=justify>And let us not forget the bankers who financed the great war. If anyone had the cream of the profits it was the bankers. Being partnerships rather than incorporated organizations, they do not have to report to stockholders. And their profits were as secret as they were immense. How the bankers made their millions and their billions I do not know, because those little secrets never become public – even before a Senate investigatory body.

    But here’s how some of the other patriotic industrialists and speculators chiseled their way into war profits.

    Take the shoe people. They like war. It brings business with abnormal profits. They made huge profits on sales abroad to our allies. Perhaps, like the munitions manufacturers and armament makers, they also sold to the enemy. For a dollar is a dollar whether it comes from Germany or from France. But they did well by Uncle Sam too. For instance, they sold Uncle Sam 35,000,000 pairs of hobnailed service shoes. There were 4,000,000 soldiers. Eight pairs, and more, to a soldier. My regiment during the war had only one pair to a soldier. Some of these shoes probably are still in existence. They were good shoes. But when the war was over Uncle Sam has a matter of 25,000,000 pairs left over. Bought – and paid for. Profits recorded and pocketed.

    There was still lots of leather left. So the leather people sold your Uncle Sam hundreds of thousands of McClellan saddles for the cavalry. But there wasn’t any American cavalry overseas! Somebody had to get rid of this leather, however. Somebody had to make a profit in it – so we had a lot of McClellan saddles. And we probably have those yet.

    Also somebody had a lot of mosquito netting. They sold your Uncle Sam 20,000,000 mosquito nets for the use of the soldiers overseas. I suppose the boys were expected to put it over them as they tried to sleep in muddy trenches – one hand scratching cooties on their backs and the other making passes at scurrying rats. Well, not one of these mosquito nets ever got to France!

    Anyhow, these thoughtful manufacturers wanted to make sure that no soldier would be without his mosquito net, so 40,000,000 additional yards of mosquito netting were sold to Uncle Sam.

    There were pretty good profits in mosquito netting in those days, even if there were no mosquitoes in France. I suppose, if the war had lasted just a little longer, the enterprising mosquito netting manufacturers would have sold your Uncle Sam a couple of consignments of mosquitoes to plant in France so that more mosquito netting would be in order.

    Airplane and engine manufacturers felt they, too, should get their just profits out of this war. Why not? Everybody else was getting theirs. So $1,000,000,000 – count them if you live long enough – was spent by Uncle Sam in building airplane engines that never left the ground! Not one plane, or motor, out of the billion dollars worth ordered, ever got into a battle in France. Just the same the manufacturers made their little profit of 30, 100, or perhaps 300 per cent.

    Undershirts for soldiers cost 14¢ [cents] to make and uncle Sam paid 30¢ to 40¢ each for them – a nice little profit for the undershirt manufacturer. And the stocking manufacturer and the uniform manufacturers and the cap manufacturers and the steel helmet manufacturers – all got theirs.

    Why, when the war was over some 4,000,000 sets of equipment – knapsacks and the things that go to fill them – crammed warehouses on this side. Now they are being scrapped because the regulations have changed the contents. But the manufacturers collected their wartime profits on them – and they will do it all over again the next time.

    There were lots of brilliant ideas for profit making during the war.

    One very versatile patriot sold Uncle Sam twelve dozen 48-inch wrenches. Oh, they were very nice wrenches. The only trouble was that there was only one nut ever made that was large enough for these wrenches. That is the one that holds the turbines at Niagara Falls. Well, after Uncle Sam had bought them and the manufacturer had pocketed the profit, the wrenches were put on freight cars and shunted all around the United States in an effort to find a use for them. When the Armistice was signed it was indeed a sad blow to the wrench manufacturer. He was just about to make some nuts to fit the wrenches. Then he planned to sell these, too, to your Uncle Sam.

    Still another had the brilliant idea that colonels shouldn’t ride in automobiles, nor should they even ride on horseback. One has probably seen a picture of Andy Jackson riding in a buckboard. Well, some 6,000 buckboards were sold to Uncle Sam for the use of colonels! Not one of them was used. But the buckboard manufacturer got his war profit.

    The shipbuilders felt they should come in on some of it, too. They built a lot of ships that made a lot of profit. More than $3,000,000,000 worth. Some of the ships were all right. But $635,000,000 worth of them were made of wood and wouldn’t float! The seams opened up – and they sank. We paid for them, though. And somebody pocketed the profits.

    It has been estimated by statisticians and economists and researchers that the war cost your Uncle Sam $52,000,000,000. Of this sum, $39,000,000,000 was expended in the actual war itself. This expenditure yielded $16,000,000,000 in profits. That is how the 21,000 billionaires and millionaires got that way. This $16,000,000,000 profits is not to be sneezed at. It is quite a tidy sum. And it went to a very few.

    The Senate (Nye) committee probe of the munitions industry and its wartime profits, despite its sensational disclosures, hardly has scratched the surface.

    Even so, it has had some effect. The State Department has been studying “for some time” methods of keeping out of war. The War Department suddenly decides it has a wonderful plan to spring. The Administration names a committee – with the War and Navy Departments ably represented under the chairmanship of a Wall Street speculator – to limit profits in war time. To what extent isn’t suggested. Hmmm. Possibly the profits of 300 and 600 and 1,600 per cent of those who turned blood into gold in the World War would be limited to some smaller figure.

    Apparently, however, the plan does not call for any limitation of losses – that is, the losses of those who fight the war. As far as I have been able to ascertain there is nothing in the scheme to limit a soldier to the loss of but one eye, or one arm, or to limit his wounds to one or two or three. Or to limit the loss of life.

    There is nothing in this scheme, apparently, that says not more than 12 per cent of a regiment shall be wounded in battle, or that not more than 7 per cent in a division shall be killed.

    Of course, the committee cannot be bothered with such trifling matters.

    CHAPTER THREE

    WHO PAYS THE BILLS?

    Who provides the profits – these nice little profits of 20, 100, 300, 1,500 and 1,800 per cent? We all pay them – in taxation. We paid the bankers their profits when we bought Liberty Bonds at $100.00 and sold them back at $84 or $86 to the bankers. These bankers collected $100 plus. It was a simple manipulation. The bankers control the security marts. It was easy for them to depress the price of these bonds. Then all of us – the people – got frightened and sold the bonds at $84 or $86. The bankers bought them. Then these same bankers stimulated a boom and government bonds went to par – and above. Then the bankers collected their profits.

    But the soldier pays the biggest part of the bill.

    If you don’t believe this, visit the American cemeteries on the battlefields abroad. Or visit any of the veteran’s hospitals in the United States. On a tour of the country, in the midst of which I am at the time of this writing, I have visited eighteen government hospitals for veterans. In them are a total of about 50,000 destroyed men – men who were the pick of the nation eighteen years ago. The very able chief surgeon at the government hospital; at Milwaukee, where there are 3,800 of the living dead, told me that mortality among veterans is three times as great as among those who stayed at home.

    Boys with a normal viewpoint were taken out of the fields and offices and factories and classrooms and put into the ranks. There they were remolded; they were made over; they were made to “about face”; to regard murder as the order of the day. They were put shoulder to shoulder and, through mass psychology, they were entirely changed. We used them for a couple of years and trained them to think nothing at all of killing or of being killed.

    Then, suddenly, we discharged them and told them to make another “about face” ! This time they had to do their own readjustment, sans [without] mass psychology, sans officers’ aid and advice and sans nation-wide propaganda. We didn’t need them any more. So we scattered them about without any “three-minute” or “Liberty Loan” speeches or parades. Many, too many, of these fine young boys are eventually destroyed, mentally, because they could not make that final “about face” alone.

    In the government hospital in Marion, Indiana, 1,800 of these boys are in pens! Five hundred of them in a barracks with steel bars and wires all around outside the buildings and on the porches. These already have been mentally destroyed. These boys don’t even look like human beings. Oh, the looks on their faces! Physically, they are in good shape; mentally, they are gone.

    There are thousands and thousands of these cases, and more and more are coming in all the time. The tremendous excitement of the war, the sudden cutting off of that excitement – the young boys couldn’t stand it.

    That’s a part of the bill. So much for the dead – they have paid their part of the war profits. So much for the mentally and physically wounded – they are paying now their share of the war profits. But the others paid, too – they paid with heartbreaks when they tore themselves away from their firesides and their families to don the uniform of Uncle Sam – on which a profit had been made. They paid another part in the training camps where they were regimented and drilled while others took their jobs and their places in the lives of their communities. The paid for it in the trenches where they shot and were shot; where they were hungry for days at a time; where they slept in the mud and the cold and in the rain – with the moans and shrieks of the dying for a horrible lullaby.

    But don’t forget – the soldier paid part of the dollars and cents bill too.

    Up to and including the Spanish-American War, we had a prize system, and soldiers and sailors fought for money. During the Civil War they were paid bonuses, in many instances, before they went into service. The government, or states, paid as high as $1,200 for an enlistment. In the Spanish-American War they gave prize money. When we captured any vessels, the soldiers all got their share – at least, they were supposed to. Then it was found that we could reduce the cost of wars by taking all the prize money and keeping it, but conscripting [drafting] the soldier anyway. Then soldiers couldn’t bargain for their labor, Everyone else could bargain, but the soldier couldn’t.

    Napoleon once said,

    “All men are enamored of decorations…they positively hunger for them.”

    So by developing the Napoleonic system – the medal business – the government learned it could get soldiers for less money, because the boys liked to be decorated. Until the Civil War there were no medals. Then the Congressional Medal of Honor was handed out. It made enlistments easier. After the Civil War no new medals were issued until the Spanish-American War.

    In the World War, we used propaganda to make the boys accept conscription. They were made to feel ashamed if they didn’t join the army.

    So vicious was this war propaganda that even God was brought into it. With few exceptions our clergymen joined in the clamor to kill, kill, kill. To kill the Germans. God is on our side…it is His will that the Germans be killed.

    And in Germany, the good pastors called upon the Germans to kill the allies…to please the same God. That was a part of the general propaganda, built up to make people war conscious and murder conscious.

    Beautiful ideals were painted for our boys who were sent out to die. This was the “war to end all wars.” This was the “war to make the world safe for democracy.” No one mentioned to them, as they marched away, that their going and their dying would mean huge war profits. No one told these American soldiers that they might be shot down by bullets made by their own brothers here. No one told them that the ships on which they were going to cross might be torpedoed by submarines built with United States patents. They were just told it was to be a “glorious adventure.”

    Thus, having stuffed patriotism down their throats, it was decided to make them help pay for the war, too. So, we gave them the large salary of $30 a month.

    All they had to do for this munificent sum was to leave their dear ones behind, give up their jobs, lie in swampy trenches, eat canned willy (when they could get it) and kill and kill and kill…and be killed.

    But wait!

    Half of that wage (just a little more than a riveter in a shipyard or a laborer in a munitions factory safe at home made in a day) was promptly taken from him to support his dependents, so that they would not become a charge upon his community. Then we made him pay what amounted to accident insurance – something the employer pays for in an enlightened state – and that cost him $6 a month. He had less than $9 a month left.

    Then, the most crowning insolence of all – he was virtually blackjacked into paying for his own ammunition, clothing, and food by being made to buy Liberty Bonds. Most soldiers got no money at all on pay days.

    We made them buy Liberty Bonds at $100 and then we bought them back – when they came back from the war and couldn’t find work – at $84 and $86. And the soldiers bought about $2,000,000,000 worth of these bonds!

    Yes, the soldier pays the greater part of the bill. His family pays too. They pay it in the same heart-break that he does. As he suffers, they suffer. At nights, as he lay in the trenches and watched shrapnel burst about him, they lay home in their beds and tossed sleeplessly – his father, his mother, his wife, his sisters, his brothers, his sons, and his daughters.

    When he returned home minus an eye, or minus a leg or with his mind broken, they suffered too – as much as and even sometimes more than he. Yes, and they, too, contributed their dollars to the profits of the munitions makers and bankers and shipbuilders and the manufacturers and the speculators made. They, too, bought Liberty Bonds and contributed to the profit of the bankers after the Armistice in the hocus-pocus of manipulated Liberty Bond prices.

    And even now the families of the wounded men and of the mentally broken and those who never were able to readjust themselves are still suffering and still paying.

    CHAPTER FOUR

    HOW TO SMASH THIS RACKET!

    WELL, it’s a racket, all right.

    A few profit – and the many pay. But there is a way to stop it. You can’t end it by disarmament conferences. You can’t eliminate it by peace parleys at Geneva. Well-meaning but impractical groups can’t wipe it out by resolutions. It can be smashed effectively only by taking the profit out of war.

    The only way to smash this racket is to conscript capital and industry and labor before the nations manhood can be conscripted. One month before the Government can conscript the young men of the nation – it must conscript capital and industry and labor. Let the officers and the directors and the high-powered executives of our armament factories and our munitions makers and our shipbuilders and our airplane builders and the manufacturers of all the other things that provide profit in war time as well as the bankers and the speculators, be conscripted – to get $30 a month, the same wage as the lads in the trenches get.

    Let the workers in these plants get the same wages – all the workers, all presidents, all executives, all directors, all managers, all bankers –

    yes, and all generals and all admirals and all officers and all politicians and all government office holders – everyone in the nation be restricted to a total monthly income not to exceed that paid to the soldier in the trenches!

    Let all these kings and tycoons and masters of business and all those workers in industry and all our senators and governors and majors pay half of their monthly $30 wage to their families and pay war risk insurance and buy Liberty Bonds.

    Why shouldn’t they?

    They aren’t running any risk of being killed or of having their bodies mangled or their minds shattered. They aren’t sleeping in muddy trenches. They aren’t hungry. The soldiers are!

    Give capital and industry and labor thirty days to think it over and you will find, by that time, there will be no war. That will smash the war racket – that and nothing else.

    Maybe I am a little too optimistic. Capital still has some say. So capital won’t permit the taking of the profit out of war until the people – those who do the suffering and still pay the price – make up their minds that those they elect to office shall do their bidding, and not that of the profiteers.

    Another step necessary in this fight to smash the war racket is the limited plebiscite to determine whether a war should be declared. A plebiscite not of all the voters but merely of those who would be called upon to do the fighting and dying. There wouldn’t be very much sense in having a 76-year-old president of a munitions factory or the flat-footed head of an international banking firm or the cross-eyed manager of a uniform manufacturing plant – all of whom see visions of tremendous profits in the event of war – voting on whether the nation should go to war or not. They never would be called upon to shoulder arms – to sleep in a trench and to be shot. Only those who would be called upon to risk their lives for their country should have the privilege of voting to determine whether the nation should go to war.

    There is ample precedent for restricting the voting to those affected. Many of our states have restrictions on those permitted to vote. In most, it is necessary to be able to read and write before you may vote. In some, you must own property. It would be a simple matter each year for the men coming of military age to register in their communities as they did in the draft during the World War and be examined physically. Those who could pass and who would therefore be called upon to bear arms in the event of war would be eligible to vote in a limited plebiscite. They should be the ones to have the power to decide – and not a Congress few of whose members are within the age limit and fewer still of whom are in physical condition to bear arms. Only those who must suffer should have the right to vote.

    A third step in this business of smashing the war racket is to make certain that our military forces are truly forces for defense only.

    At each session of Congress the question of further naval appropriations comes up. The swivel-chair admirals of Washington (and there are always a lot of them) are very adroit lobbyists. And they are smart. They don’t shout that “We need a lot of battleships to war on this nation or that nation.” Oh no. First of all, they let it be known that America is menaced by a great naval power. Almost any day, these admirals will tell you, the great fleet of this supposed enemy will strike suddenly and annihilate 125,000,000 people. Just like that. Then they begin to cry for a larger navy. For what? To fight the enemy? Oh my, no. Oh, no. For defense purposes only.

    Then, incidentally, they announce maneuvers in the Pacific. For defense. Uh, huh.

    The Pacific is a great big ocean. We have a tremendous coastline on the Pacific. Will the maneuvers be off the coast, two or three hundred miles? Oh, no. The maneuvers will be two thousand, yes, perhaps even thirty-five hundred miles, off the coast.

    The Japanese, a proud people, of course will be pleased beyond expression to see the united States fleet so close to Nippon’s shores. Even as pleased as would be the residents of California were they to dimly discern through the morning mist, the Japanese fleet playing at war games off Los Angeles.

    The ships of our navy, it can be seen, should be specifically limited, by law, to within 200 miles of our coastline. Had that been the law in 1898 the Maine would never have gone to Havana Harbor. She never would have been blown up. There would have been no war with Spain with its attendant loss of life. Two hundred miles is ample, in the opinion of experts, for defense purposes. Our nation cannot start an offensive war if its ships can’t go further than 200 miles from the coastline. Planes might be permitted to go as far as 500 miles from the coast for purposes of reconnaissance. And the army should never leave the territorial limits of our nation.

    To summarize: Three steps must be taken to smash the war racket.

    We must take the profit out of war.

    We must permit the youth of the land who would bear arms to decide whether or not there should be war.

    We must limit our military forces to home defense purposes.

    CHAPTER FIVE

    TO HELL WITH WAR!

    I am not a fool as to believe that war is a thing of the past. I know the people do not want war, but there is no use in saying we cannot be pushed into another war.

    Looking back, Woodrow Wilson was re-elected president in 1916 on a platform that he had “kept us out of war” and on the implied promise that he would “keep us out of war.” Yet, five months later he asked Congress to declare war on Germany.

    In that five-month interval the people had not been asked whether they had changed their minds. The 4,000,000 young men who put on uniforms and marched or sailed away were not asked whether they wanted to go forth to suffer and die.

    Then what caused our government to change its mind so suddenly?

    Money.

    An allied commission, it may be recalled, came over shortly before the war declaration and called on the President. The President summoned a group of advisers. The head of the commission spoke. Stripped of its diplomatic language, this is what he told the President and his group:

    “There is no use kidding ourselves any longer. The cause of the allies is lost. We now owe you (American bankers, American munitions makers, American manufacturers, American speculators, American exporters) five or six billion dollars.

    If we lose (and without the help of the United States we must lose) we, England, France and Italy, cannot pay back this money…and Germany won’t.

    So…”

    Had secrecy been outlawed as far as war negotiations were concerned, and had the press been invited to be present at that conference, or had radio been available to broadcast the proceedings, America never would have entered the World War. But this conference, like all war discussions, was shrouded in utmost secrecy. When our boys were sent off to war they were told it was a “war to make the world safe for democracy” and a “war to end all wars.”

    Well, eighteen years after, the world has less of democracy than it had then. Besides, what business is it of ours whether Russia or Germany or England or France or Italy or Austria live under democracies or monarchies? Whether they are Fascists or Communists? Our problem is to preserve our own democracy.

    And very little, if anything, has been accomplished to assure us that the World War was really the war to end all wars.

    Yes, we have had disarmament conferences and limitations of arms conferences. They don’t mean a thing. One has just failed; the results of another have been nullified. We send our professional soldiers and our sailors and our politicians and our diplomats to these conferences. And what happens?

    The professional soldiers and sailors don’t want to disarm. No admiral wants to be without a ship. No general wants to be without a command. Both mean men without jobs. They are not for disarmament. They cannot be for limitations of arms. And at all these conferences, lurking in the background but all-powerful, just the same, are the sinister agents of those who profit by war. They see to it that these conferences do not disarm or seriously limit armaments.

    The chief aim of any power at any of these conferences has not been to achieve disarmament to prevent war but rather to get more armament for itself and less for any potential foe.

    There is only one way to disarm with any semblance of practicability. That is for all nations to get together and scrap every ship, every gun, every rifle, every tank, every war plane. Even this, if it were possible, would not be enough.

    The next war, according to experts, will be fought not with battleships, not by artillery, not with rifles and not with machine guns. It will be fought with deadly chemicals and gases.

    Secretly each nation is studying and perfecting newer and ghastlier means of annihilating its foes wholesale. Yes, ships will continue to be built, for the shipbuilders must make their profits. And guns still will be manufactured and powder and rifles will be made, for the munitions makers must make their huge profits. And the soldiers, of course, must wear uniforms, for the manufacturer must make their war profits too.

    But victory or defeat will be determined by the skill and ingenuity of our scientists.

    If we put them to work making poison gas and more and more fiendish mechanical and explosive instruments of destruction, they will have no time for the constructive job of building greater prosperity for all peoples. By putting them to this useful job, we can all make more money out of peace than we can out of war – even the munitions makers.

    So…I say,

    TO HELL WITH WAR!

    It you enjoyed ‘War Is A Racket’ you should also read ‘THE WAR PRAYER’ by Mark

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