December 19, 2004The History of Art, in Baggy Jeans and Bomber Jackets
Several young assistants breezed in and out of the studio, talking on cellphones about travel arrangements and trying not to collide with the packers. A couple of cleaning women in white uniforms stepped gingerly around the large potted palms and the half-finished canvases leaned against the walls, collecting abandoned coffee cups and emptying trash cans. The artist’s two Italian greyhounds – a breed he first noticed in late-Renaissance portraits of Italian noblemen – scurried across the hardwood floor on toothpicklike legs, vying for attention. At the center of the commotion sat Mr. Wiley, an amiable man with a round face and a sturdy, compact frame. Leaning forward in his chair, elbows on his knees, he tried to focus on his interview. “Sorry things are so crazy today,” he said, then laughed. “Actually, it’s like this pretty much every day.” Just three years out of art school, Mr. Wiley has achieved the kind of meteoric success that most young artists only dream about. He is represented by major galleries in New York, Los Angeles and Chicago. His shows have been covered by the art press, as well as by mass-circulation magazines like Vibe, Vogue and Essence. His work has already found its way into several museum collections, as well as into the mansions of celebrities like Russell Simmons, Elton John and Denzel Washington.” If you want to buy one of his newest paintings, which sell for up to $20,000, you’ll have to put your name on a waiting list. Now, at 27, he’s having his first solo museum show, “Passing/Posing,” at the Brooklyn Museum through Feb. 5. The exhibition features 18 large-scale paintings, all depicting young black men in urban street clothes – sports-team jerseys, hoodies, baseball caps, baggy jeans, puffy jackets – floating in front of lushly colored decorative backgrounds. In the back room is a chapel-like installation, first shown at last year’s Miami Beach Basel art fair, which includes four cupola-shaped paintings and an enormous ceiling panel that the Brooklyn Museum recently bought for its permanent collection. Still dressed in his work clothes – a paint-encrusted “wife-beater” tank top and cotton shorts, which serve as wearable rags for wiping off his brushes – Mr. Wiley described his process. His models are young men whom he approaches on the streets of Harlem, Los Angeles and Detroit, inviting them back to his studio. “Having an attractive woman with me helps,” he added with a laugh. (He also pays them for their time: $100 an hour.) Together, they leaf through art history books – usually monographs on old masters like Tiepolo, Titian, Ingres or Raphael. The subject selects a pose from one of the paintings, which he imitates while Mr. Wiley photographs him. “I’ve seen people choose small figures in large paintings, not even the stars of the show,” he said, “and I’ve seen people who directly want to see themselves as Christ in heaven.” Later, using his photographs for reference, the artist paints the figure, adding background threaded with ornamental patterns derived from a variety of sources, including Celtic manuscript illumination, Islamic metalwork, and Baroque and Rococo architectural designs. Sometimes he transforms the ornate filigree patterns into a sea of stylized spermatazoa, which he renders in gold or platinum – a sly reference to the hyper-masculine posturing of hip-hop culture. Mr. Wiley was born and raised in south central Los Angeles. When he was 11, his mother, a linguist, enrolled him in an art program that supplemented weekly studio classes with visits to local museums. At the Huntington Library galleries, he was particularly drawn to portraits by the 18th-century British painters Thomas Gainsborough and Joshua Reynolds. “They were so artificial and opulent,” he said. “There was this strange otherworldiness that, as a black kid from Los Angeles, I had no manageable way of digesting. But at the same time, there was this desire to somehow possess that or belong to that.” After getting his bachelor’s degree at the San Francisco Art Institute, he went on to the graduate program at the Yale University School of Art. There, he came up against his instructors’ expectations that his work would deal explicitly with the politics of black identity. “There was this overwhelming sense of, ‘O.K., Kehinde, where’s your Negro statement?’ ” he recalled. His response was to paint a series of ironic images of watermelons in the style of Magritte or de Chirico. These works are now installed in the back of Mr. Wiley’s closet. “While they’re not some of the most sophisticated or beautiful paintings I’ve made,” he said, “they’re some of my favorites because they remind me of a point in my life that felt absolutely desperate and lost and powerless. I don’t want to romanticize that too much, but it’s interesting to look at.” It was in 2001, when he was an artist in residence at the Studio Museum in Harlem, that Mr. Wiley hit upon his current melding of late-Renaissance prototypes and hip-hop street style. “With the work I’m doing now, I’m interested in history as it relates to bling-bling,” he said in an interview with Christine Y. Kim, a curator at the Studio Museum. “In places like Harlem, people ornament their bodies, love Gucci and Versace … I’m interested in certain types of French Rococo ornament that end up as faux décor in shopping malls or in Michael Graves’s faux neo-classicism, for that matter.” Ms. Kim sees Mr. Wiley’s style in relation to the work of his contemporaries, like Yinka Shonibare, a British artist of Nigerian descent who reinterpreted Fragonard’s “Swing” (1767) using African textiles. “They’re taking elements from two very distinct, divergent histories and cross-referencing the image and iconography to create an explosive and compelling collusion of histories and ideas,” she said in a telephone interview. It’s not difficult to understand why Mr. Wiley’s work would appeal to curators and collectors of contemporary art. His paintings are big and bold, and the colors are exquisitely rich; their iconography is hip, savvy and spiked with references to the European high-art tradition. But this artist is also eager to reach a more general audience. “I want my work to look as familiar to young kids as it is to seasoned art historians who know all the references,” he said. “What appeals to me about painting is something that has cultural fluency.” Another undeniable aspect of Mr. Wiley’s appeal has to do with his penchant for showmanship. For the opening of his show in Brooklyn, he hired a drag queen trained in Italian opera, sporting a wig and Venetian-style ball gown and backed by a string quartet in black tie, to perform a version of the Kelis song “Milkshake.” This was followed by an extravagant banquet at Grand Prospect Hall, a Victorian-era ballroom in Park Slope. “He knows how to make life big,” said Mr. Deitch, known for his high-octane, youth-oriented gallery program. For his next show at Deitch Projects, “Rumors of War,” Mr. Wiley plans to create a series of large-scale equestrian portraits, using live horses as models. “We’ll probably have to hire stunt doubles for some of the poses,” he mused. He has also commissioned a composer to transpose hip-hop songs to be played by an all-black military brass band and has applied for a permit to hold an opening-night parade somewhere in Manhattan. Mr. Wiley’s new paintings made it safely to the Miami Beach Basel art fair, and after a brief detour to go fishing in the Gulf of Mexico, so did Mr. Wiley – with 100 pounds of fish in tow. “He found the hottest restaurateur in town to cook up all the fish and threw a huge banquet for all his friends,” Mr. Deitch said. “It was the most fun thing going on in Miami Beach on Sunday night.” |
Month: December 2004
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December 19, 2004
Batman Now Speaks With a British Accent
By DAVID GRITTEN
ONDON
SHORT of Davy Crockett and some of the other characters in John Wayne’s oeuvre, it’s hard to think of a more obviously all-American hero than Batman, Bruce Wayne’s caped alter ego. As for Batman’s fictional hometown, Gotham City: has anyone ever doubted that it claimed far closer kinship with the darker corners of New York City, which sometimes shares that nickname, than with the Nottinghamshire village of Gotham?
Even so, “Batman Begins,” which opens in American theaters on June 17, will arrive as the product of a startlingly British alignment of talent and location, though the intended setting of the myth hasn’t changed. The film, from Warner Brothers, was shot largely in Britain by a young London-born director, Christopher Nolan. And the cast includes Christian Bale, a Welshman, as Bruce Wayne/Batman, along with British mainstays like Michael Caine, Liam Neeson (born in Northern Ireland), Gary Oldman, Tom Wilkinson and Linus Roache in supporting roles.
Some exterior scenes for “Batman Begins,” now in post-production, were shot in downtown Chicago (at least on the right continent); but Gotham City was recreated in an unlikely spot in the heart of the English countryside, at R.A.F. Cardington, a former British air base some 35 miles north of London. Cardington is best known for two gigantic hangars that once housed the pre-World War II-era airships R100 and R101. The larger hangar was transformed into Gotham for “Batman Begins.”
Whether audiences will actually sense Britishness in the finished movie remains far from clear. Mr. Nolan, after all, successfully cast Guy Pearce, who was born in Britain and grew up in Australia, as a memory-challenged American insurance investigator in his trademark film, “Memento,” which was shot in Southern California.
Among the new movie’s many British actors (and Cillian Murphy, an Irish-born London resident, playing the villainous drug peddler, Dr. Jonathan Crane, a k a “The Scarecrow”), at least one should seem a natural presence: Mr. Caine, who plays Bruce Wayne’s British butler, Alfred Pennyworth, succeeding the British actor Michael Gough, who took the part in the previous four Batman films. But Mr. Neeson plays Henri Ducard, Bruce’s distinctly non-British-sounding mentor and trainer; Mr. Oldman is Lt. James Gordon, a friendly Gotham City cop who helps Batman fight crime; Mr. Wilkinson plays a Mafia don, Carmine Falcone; and Mr. Roache is Bruce’s father, Dr. Thomas Wayne. Indeed, Morgan Freeman, as Lucius Fox, a Wayne family friend, and Katie Holmes, as Rachel Dawes, Bruce’s childhood friend and adult love interest, are the only Americans in the 10 leading roles.
Mr. Bale, for his part, handily mastered an American accent for his portrayal of Patrick Bateman, the sociopathic Manhattanite in “American Psycho,” and the rest of the cast appear to have learned the same trick at one time or another. (Mr. Neeson most recently did so in his well-received performance as the sex researcher Alfred C. Kinsey in “Kinsey.”)
But these fine actors are clearly in for some extra work, which perhaps speaks to the importance of Mr. Nolan. Although he has never directed an action film, he was given wide latitude by Warner Brothers in its push to revive a faltering franchise that hit the wall in 1997 when its fourth iteration, “Batman & Robin,” directed by Joel Schumacher, took in just $107 million at the American box office.
“I think it’s about Chris Nolan’s power as a director, and his vision of what he wants to do,” said Ian Thomson of the U.K. Film Council. In re-envisioning the franchise, Mr. Nolan decided to return to the story’s genesis, as outlined in “Batman: Year One” comics: as a child, Bruce Wayne saw his parents murdered and vowed to avenge all evil.
Warner Brothers, which declined to discuss the new film’s casting or make Mr. Nolan available to do so, need not feel uneasy about associating “Batman Begins” with more typically British products – the romantic comedies of Hugh Grant or the endless string of period costume dramas with bewhiskered men in frock coats and maidservants, eyes cast downward, bobbing and curtsying obediently.
In fact, the studio need only look at its own output lately. Of the major American film companies, Warner Brothers has been the most aggressive in working on British turf, Mr. Thomson noted. Much of the “Harry Potter” franchise is being shot at Leavesden, another abandoned British air base. Recently, acres of soundstage space at another studio were given over to shooting “Charlie and the Chocolate Factory,” starring Johnny Depp and set for release by Warners next year. Within the last year, moreover, interiors for two other ambitious productions, “Phantom of the Opera” and “Alexander,” both distributed in the United States by Warners, were shot on stages here. (Not to mention the first “Batman” in the current series, which was shot in Britain.)
All of this comes in a year when, even allowing for tax breaks, the weak dollar has made Britain forbiddingly expensive. So why not go to, say, Eastern Europe, which is cheaper? Much of the Civil War film “Cold Mountain,” for example, was shot in Romania. Technical expertise is one reason; Britain justifiably boasts of outstanding behind-the-scenes filmmaking talent, including a cluster of world-class special effects houses in the Soho district of London. “Studios know they get value for money here,” Mr. Thomson said.
And there are other attractions. If American film executives are faced with a long shoot abroad, and the choice is London or maybe Bucharest, they’re apt to choose London, where the language is familiar and a dizzying range of entertainment and culture compensates for absence from home. Few countries, moreover, have soundstages as big as those in Britain. Visitors to Cardington have said that the Gotham City set is vast enough to encompass a freeway and an elevated rail track like the El in Chicago. (This Gotham is in a state of decay, ravaged by corruption and organized crime, its look influenced by the now-demolished slums in Kowloon, Hong Kong.)
Finally, one wonders whether it even matters that British actors will dominate a classic piece of Americana. It’s certainly been done before: In “Gone With the Wind,” the main Southern belles were played by Vivien Leigh, born in British India, and Olivia de Havilland, daughter of a British patent attorney in Tokyo, while Leslie Howard’s Ashley Wilkes never quite shook off Howard’s native London.
More recently, there was much harrumphing in the British news media when an American actress (a Texan, even) was chosen to play that essentially English heroine, Bridget Jones. But the iciness of the British thawed when they finally saw Renée Zellweger’s portrayal.
Certainly, the two enthusiastically received “Batman Begins” trailers being shown in theaters betray no sign of the film’s British provenance. So Americans now face some choices. They can be gravely insulted that the British have appropriated an all-American icon. They can be amused by the whole farrago. Or they can view it as subtle revenge by the British on Hollywood for foisting Austin Powers upon them.
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December 19, 2004
Through a Lens, Darkly: Shopping for Bootleg DVD’s
By NATHAN LEE
N anonymous bootlegger enters a multiplex and takes a seat at the back of the theater. He mounts a small digital camcorder to a tripod and plugs a microphone into the hearing-impaired audio jack. With a more or less unobstructed view, from a more or less straightforward angle, he records the movie and will later burn it onto blank DVD’s. Packaged in plastic sleeves with photocopied cover art prepared beforehand, the pirated discs are rushed to street vendors, who sell them for half the price of a movie ticket.
I found out on Dec. 4 just how quickly pirated movies hit the streets. That was the day I spied a pirated copy of “Closer” for sale on West 125th Street in Harlem, one day after it had opened in local theaters. This wasn’t an entirely innocent observation; I was shopping for bootleg DVD’s.
No, my family isn’t getting video coal for Christmas. But other families are, and I was on a quest to find out exactly what they’re getting. It’s an unavoidable fact that a large number of people now experience movies through the illicit medium of pirated DVD’s. The Motion Picture Association of America estimates that the movie industry “loses in excess of $3 billion annually in potential worldwide revenue due to piracy,” according to the association’s Web site, mpaa.org, and that doesn’t include illegal downloading from the Internet. While consumers are developing ever more sophisticated tastes in their home viewing experience (as in the preference for widescreen DVD’s and enthusiasm for flat-screen televisions), the black market for cheap bootlegs is flourishing.
“Some people get a kick out of owning a copy of, say, ‘The Incredibles’ before anyone else,” says John Malcolm, director of worldwide antipiracy operations for the movie industry association. “They want to show their friends they have a copy while it’s still in the theater. They don’t care about who gets the money, and they don’t mind the quality of what they pay for.”
Pirated movies come in many forms, including the grubby camcorder copy, the low-resolution digital file for downloading, and the relatively high-quality version duped from official DVD’s. “The experience is incredibly inconsistent,” says Darcy Antonellis, senior vice president of worldwide antipiracy operations for Warner Brothers. “In some cases you don’t get what you think you’ve paid for.”
Ms. Antonellis recalls the time a Warner Brothers sales employee went to buy some of the company’s new releases on the street. “But when he got back to the office, there was nothing on the discs,” she said. “He went back to the vendor and asked for a replacement. He refused and offered his money back. Eventually the vendor confessed that everything he was selling was blank.”
From a strict intellectual-property-rights standpoint, a blank DVD is preferable to an actual bootleg, but in the eyes of studio executives, it’s still part of an enormously vexing problem. To the antipiracy executive, a faux fake is just one more example of the bootlegger’s implacable greed. As for the unethical consumer who finds contraband sans content, it’s five bucks down the drain, an irritating trip to the video store and a smudge on the conscience.
But that blank DVD is something else to the film critic, particularly one versed in other marginal kinds of cinema. By a mischievous twist of logic, couldn’t that blank Warner Brothers DVD be thought of as the most avant-garde movie ever “released” by a major studio? Isn’t that shady street vendor also an inadvertent artist of site-specific dada? You imagine that the Andy Warhol who made an eight-hour film of the
Empire State Building would have appreciated the blank bootleg as an endless portrait of the video void.
From a purely ethical standpoint, the bootlegging of movies is in no way justifiable. But from a disinterested, purely aesthetic point of view, bootlegged pseudo-movies reframe the art form in interesting ways. In the spring of 2003, the artist Jon Routson installed his own covert recordings of movies at Team Gallery in Chelsea: a classic gesture of postmodern appropriation. Examining the phenomenon in the pages of Film Comment, Edward E. Crouse imagined the contents of a bootleg holy grail, in which “the surreptitious camcordist is recording at the moment that he’s busted by a multiplex security guard and kicked out of the theater – an inept studio movie that abruptly shifts gears to become a first-person surveillance documentary.”
Tantalized by the possibilities for slipped meanings and strange new content, I began my investigation of the bootleg at the Union Square subway station, a major nexus of transportation in downtown New York. On an underground platform patrolled by the police, you can buy three churros for $1 or five DVD’s for $20. After I had made my selection, the vendor nervously offered a black plastic bag to conceal the sale, but as bootlegs are slimly packaged in about half the plastic of a store-bought DVD, I slipped the small bundle into my shoulder bag and rode home to Brooklyn.
First, “Team America: World Police,” the most outrageous parody of a Hollywood movie ever made in Hollywood and surely the nastiest puppet show of all time. Officially released in October, the film was widely available for sale as a bootleg throughout November.
Appropriately enough for a movie featuring superhuman acts of projectile vomiting, this was the messiest bootleg I watched. The right-hand third of the image was blocked by some dark, curving object (a finger?), and the tinny soundtrack was full of static hiss. The bootlegger shifted the lens a couple of times, clearing the first blockage but introducing a smaller one on the upper left. From beginning to end, the image was swarming with digital fuzz and fat, square pixels, and everything seemed covered in a scrim of chunky dust.
These defects undermined one of the most subtle aspects of the movie’s subversive humor: its ingenious mimicry of the slick, corporate cinematography of a blockbuster action film. Watching the bootleg, you wouldn’t know “Team America” had been photographed, quite beautifully, by Bill Pope, cinematographer of “The Matrix” films. In fact, with its illogical blockages, spontaneous glitches and overall look of having been dragged through an alley, “Team America” played like nothing so much as a film by Guy Maddin, the idiosyncratic Canadian experimentalist who specializes in deranged pastiches of crusty old movies (“The Saddest Music in the World,” “Cowards Bend the Knee”).
About 30 minutes into “Team America,” I had my first close encounter of the bootleg kind. Dressed in a hilariously inept “Arab” disguise, an American undercover agent is trying to infiltrate the Egyptian terrorist hideout and comes face to face with a pair of Somali thugs. As he nervously stutters his introduction (“My name is Ahmed. I’m a terrorist.”), the words “no card” flash over the agent’s face in red. While the bootlegger’s camera is signaling a technical problem, the bootleg movie seems to be commenting on Gary’s lack of proper identification.
No such meta-commentary could be found on my copy of Oliver Stone’s new epic, “Alexander,” although for a minute I thought the squiggly lines of static might be part of the movie’s laughably animated credit sequence. Sitting through one legitimate screening of “Alexander” was chore enough; I confess to scanning past innumerable Colin Farrell wig changes in search of weirdness. Pausing to watch the climactic charge of the elephants, I found myself captivated by an intense psychedelic distortion. In the original version, Mr. Stone digitized the sequence in violent shades of red; on the bootleg, it looked as if some crazed toddler had mashed radioactive cranberries all over the action.
The chromatic distortion in “House of Flying Daggers” was less enjoyable. Discreetly bought in a Canal Street phone booth, my bootleg was copied from what appeared to be a semi-official Chinese original. But while the framing and sound were acceptable, the image suffered a decline in contrast. Deadly dull but glorious to look at, this Zhang Yimou martial arts extravaganza is nothing but color, so when reduced to soap-opera size on television and drained of visual information, there wasn’t much to hold my attention. In the bamboo thicket chase, a marvel of green-on-green photography, the bad guys skipping overhead lose definition and blend into the foliage as if trying to go invisible, a supernatural skill they have yet to master.
My bootleg of Mr. Zhang’s “Hero,” however, turned out to be a minor masterpiece of chop-socky kitsch. Movie buffs frustrated by the delayed release of this 2002 film have long been able to find imported Asian discs before the official American release. My version was a street copy of one such import, whose original manufacturer decided that the American viewer would be happier if the dialogue were dubbed: everyone in this “Hero” sounded like the Kim Jong Il puppet from “Team America.” Better yet, the first kung fu sequence was full of the silliest possible grunts and squawks, a cornball symphony of “yee-chaws!” “hee-yahs!” and what I can only transcribe as “heeee’yeeeeeee-yuh eeeeeeeYEEE-WAAAH!” The whole scene takes place in the rain, which the overdubbers approximated by sticking their microphone near a dripping faucet.
On West 125th Street in Harlem, the bootleg superstore, I chose from thousands of discs the only one I hadn’t previously seen in the theater, “The SpongeBob SquarePants Movie.” I don’t think that the pirated version was much spongier than the original, but it was definitely squarer. With varying degrees of success, all my other bootlegs had replicated the widescreen ratio of theatrical projection, but “SpongeBob” filled the whole screen. Did the bootleggers think children might have more fun if it looked like the TV show? In any case, what was lost from the edges of the picture was made up for by the irrepressible zaniness of everything else. You could watch “SpongeBob” through a damp sweater and still get the giggles.
“The Incredibles” was also full-frame, but whereas the flat, 2-D animation of “SpongeBob” played O.K. in degraded form, the more sophisticated art of the Pixar movie suffered terribly. Gone were the deep, voluptuously modeled spaces, the exquisitely tactile textures, the handsome harmonies of color. For the first time in my study of bootlegs, I found myself unable to watch, and I felt bad for anyone unlucky enough to have “The Incredibles” ruined this way.
Personally, I’ll take “The Incredibles” looking incredible, my “Hero” with subtitles and “Alexander” – well, you can keep that one. I already own three copies of “Team America” on DVD, but I’ll buy one more when it’s officially released, especially if the notorious X-rated sex scene is restored.
Though I never did come across one of those minimalist masterpieces, let alone Mr. Crouse’s hypothetical holy grail, my peek into the bootleg underground was not without its peculiar charms: it’s amusing to watch such obsessively controlled entertainments slip into total aesthetic chaos.
Nathan Lee is the chief film critic for The New York Sun.
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December 20, 2004
At Juilliard, Students Learn That Opera Is Both Craft and Commodity
By BLAIR TINDALL
he Juilliard School in New York City has trained some of the world’s most prominent singers since opening its opera department in 1930, including Leontyne Price, Simon Estes, Renée Fleming and Audra McDonald. The school continues to attract undergraduate and graduate students pursuing specialized music educations.
“By high school I had decided to go into music instead of taking the easy way out, like becoming a dentist or accountant,” said tenor Ross Chitwood, 20, who grew up on a dairy farm in Sulphur, Okla. “When I walked into the lobby of Juilliard, I knew it was the right place for me.”
A typical day for Mr. Chitwood begins at 9:30 a.m. with ear-training class, one of the musical subjects the singers study alongside classmates who are instrumentalists. Other courses include musical dictation, theory, conducting, music history, piano proficiency, and electives that cover specific composers and genres. Vocal arts students must also sign up for two foreign languages.
After lunch, the singers concentrate on theatrical skills in the Juilliard Opera Studies program. Here, they learn acting, movement, improvisation, stagecraft and stage makeup application. They also receive individual coaching for voice and diction to refine their vocal technique. “In drama workshop, we work with masks to create a character without using our faces,” said Rebecca Saslow, a 21-year-old mezzo-soprano from Boston, who praised the training as crucial to her education.
The students say they are energized by New York’s cultural life, and by exposure to world-class faculty and a student body whose musical tastes range from Bach to Beyoncé.
“Juilliard focuses on putting you together as a professional,” said Marquita Raley, 22, a mezzo-soprano. “ They want you to have the language, they want you to have the voice, they want you to have the analytical side.” The singers also study the business side of opera with a performing arts publicist. They learn how to find agents, write resumes and navigate the areas of public relations, audition protocol, professional etiquette, appearance and dress.
“The eventual goal is that we won’t have to be working in a gas station while trying to be singers,” said Ryan McKinny, a 20-year-old bass-baritone. He said he was surprised that so much went into a singing career aside from the music.
After classes end at about 6 p.m., some students go to the practice rooms. Others attend performances at Lincoln Center, Carnegie Hall and at downtown nightclubs. Ms. Raley works during the off-hours teaching children in Juilliard’s precollege division.
The Juilliard vocal program focuses on detailed practice rather than performance. Yet when the students are showcased in the school’s two annual opera productions, the pressure can be intense.
“It’s terrifying that opera greats like James Levine or Beverly Sills could be watching you,” said Patrick Cook, a 19-year-old tenor from Pasadena, Md., who thrives in the school’s demanding environment. “But you could have this incredible performance, and boom, someone’s deciding to launch your career.”
Brent Murray contributed to the reporting of this article.
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Dear Yahoo!:
Who should I tip for the holidays?
Allyson
Sunnyvale, California
Dear Allyson:
We know what you’re thinking. “Sheesh, even the deli has a tip jar, now I gotta tip the mailman just because it’s Christmas?” Well, yes. While completely optional, giving a little something extra to those who provide services throughout the year is customary.
The good news is you needn’t go into hock. This excellent article from CNN Money suggests appropriate holiday tips for babysitters, hairstylists, and mail carriers, keeping in mind that cash isn’t always the way to go. In fact, give your mailman an envelope full of greenbacks in excess of $20, and you’re breaking the law, buster.
The Original Tipping Page also offers a helpful checklist of people you may want to show a little love to this holiday season. Garbage collectors, parking attendants, and newspaper delivery people should all be on your list, provided you’re not mortal enemies with any of them.
How much (or what) to tip is obviously up to you. If you’re completely clueless, this quiz from BankRate offers tips (pun not intended) on how to avoid looking like Ebenezer (Scrooge).
In short, it’s a good idea to tip those people who made your life easier over the course of the year. Oh, and if you’re a regular reader of this column and are satisfied with the work we’ve done, please feel free to, ahem, send a little something our way.
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December 22, 2004
U.S. General Says Mosul Blast Appears to Be Suicide Bomb
By DAVID STOUT and JOHN O’NEIL
ASHINGTON, Dec. 22 – Military investigators believe that a suicide bomber touched off the explosion that killed 22 people and wounded dozens of others Tuesday at an American base in Iraq, the Pentagon said today.
“At this point, it looks like it was an improvised explosive device worn by an attacker,” Gen. Richard B. Myers, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said at a news briefing with Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld. “We will take appropriate steps to prevent potential future attacks of this nature.”
The explosion ripped through a mess tent at Forward Operating Base Marez at lunchtime, killing at least 13 American soldiers. The base is on the edge of Mosul.
Today, American troops swept through Mosul, backed up by armored vehicles, jets and helicopter gunships, hunting for suspects, western news agencies reported. The city’s streets were described as deserted.
The casualty figure from the explosion was lowered slightly today, from the 24 dead reported late Tuesday. In addition to the 13 American troops, five American civilians and three Iraqi National Guard members were killed, and one unidentified person described by the Army as a “non-U.S. person.”
The militant Sunni group Ansar al-Sunna issued a statement over the Internet Tuesday taking responsibility for the attack and claiming that one of its fighters had carried out a “martyrdom operation” against forces it described as unbelievers and occupiers.
Mr. Rumsfeld and General Myers declined to go into detail today on the physical evidence that points to a suicide bomber.
Immediately after the explosion, it was clear to observers that the holes blasted into kitchen equipment were very round, at least suggesting the use of ball bearings, which have been a favorite weapon for suicide bombers in Israel and elsewhere.
A single foot-wide hole found in the tile floor of the mess hall, in the vicinity of the line where troops lined up with their trays, also seemed to suggest the presence of a bomber.
“If it was a rocket, you’d find traces of a rocket,” General Myers said, suggesting that no traces of a rocket, or of a mortar shell, for that matter, had been found.
There were reports earlier in the day, broadcast by ABC, that a human torso and a backpack had been found amid the bloody wreckage in the mess tent. A more specific announcement was to be made later today in Iraq.
Asked whether the “non-U.S. person” among the dead was believed to have been the suicide bomber, the general said: “I think that’s to be
determined. I don’t want to speculate on that because we don’t know.”
The secretary addressed an obvious question: how could a suicide attacker get into a supposedly secure American military base and into an area where the troops might think they can relax and be safe?
A partial answer, Mr. Rumsfeld said, is that United States and Iraqi security forces have to be right every time. “An attacker only has to be right occasionally,” Mr. Rumsfeld said.
One obvious difficulty in detecting insurgent attacks, General Myers said, is that “they can wear, and they do, clothes like any other Iraqi.”
The officials were asked about the vetting that takes place before Iraqis are hired to work at American based. General Myers said a “fact sheet” would be made available.
An Associated Press reporter on the streets of Mosul today described the city as deserted, with most schools closed and traffic police absent from even major intersections.
American forces shut down Mosul’s five bridges, and concentrated their raids in three neighborhoods in the eastern part of the city, the reporter said.
Reuters reported that Mosul’s mayor had warned residents that anyone attempting to use the bridges last night would be shot.
The Army gave little details about the targets of the day’s raids. “We are conducting offensive operations to target specific objectives,” Lt. Col. Paul Hastings told Reuters.
But residents told the news agency that most Iraqis had decided to take no chances in the face of the show of force. “Students went to school but were told to go home. People went to the shops, saw American troops in the streets, and went home,” said Ahmad, 25, a Mosul car dealer too anxious to give his surname.
The explosion at the base wounded 69 people, including 44 American military personnel. Today, wounded American soldiers and civilians were flown to to Ramstein Air Base in Germany, to be transferred to the Landstuhl Army Medical Center for treatment.
The explosion was the deadliest episode for American soldiers in Iraq since shortly after the invasion. Twenty-nine American troops were killed on March 23, 2003.
The largest previous death toll as a result of insurgent attack also took place in Mosul, on Nov. 15, 2003, when two helicopters dodging ground fire crashed into each other, killing 18 Americans.
Mr. Rumsfeld and General Myers said today, as they have before, that the bloodshed in Iraq, however ugly, is not surprising, given the fact that elections in that country are only weeks away, and that people who were rendered powerless by the overthrow of Saddam Hussein refuse to go away quietly.
“We have said all along we expected the violence to increase as we got closer to the election,” Mr. Rumsfeld said. “These folks have a lot to lose,” he said, referring to the insurgents.
Mr. Rumsfeld said his “thoughts and prayers” were with the dead and their relatives, and that seeing the grief of affected families “is something that I feel to my core.”
“Our troops are making a difference,” Mr. Rumsfeld said. “Let there be no doubt.” United States military people – “America’s true treasure,” Mr. Rumsfeld called them – are helping to build a free Iraq and, by extension, spreading freedom into global corners where it does not yet thrive, the secretary said.
“We must do what it takes,” the secretary said. “We must not allow people who chop off heads to control.”
But while saying that the United States must not – and will not – abandon its mission in Iraq, Mr. Rumsfeld said that, in the end, permanent security in Iraq must be enforced by the Iraqis. “It’s their country,” he said.
David Stout reported from Washington for this article and John O’Neil from New York. Richard A. Oppel Jr. and Christine Hauser contributed reporting from Baghdad.
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December 22, 2004
THE PUBLIC
Fighting On Is the Only Option, Americans Say
By KIRK JOHNSON
ENVER, Dec. 21 – Americans across the country expressed anguish about the devastating attack on a United States military base in Iraq on Tuesday. But it was the question of where the nation should go from here that produced the biggest sigh from Dallas Spear, an oil and gas industry worker from Denver.
“I would never have gone there from the beginning, but that’s beside the point now,” Mr. Spear said, his jaw clenched. “We upset the apple cart and now there’s pretty much no choice. We have to proceed.”
Mr. Spear’s sentiment was echoed in interviews in shopping malls, offices, sidewalks and homes on a day when the news from Iraq was bleak. With 14 American service members killed and dozens injured, it was apparently the worst one-day death toll for American forces since United States forces defeated Saddam Hussein’s regime in spring 2003.
Many people said they were dispirited or angry, but many expressed equal unhappiness about seeing a lack of options.
Whether one supported or opposed the invasion has become irrelevant, many said – there is only the road ahead now, with few signs to guide the way.
One soldier who has been to Iraq and is soon to go back said he believes the war itself has changed, and that guerrilla attacks like the one in the northern Iraq city of Mosul on Tuesday have constricted the view on the ground about how to proceed.
“When we went to war there was a clear-cut enemy,” said Specialist Richard P. Basilio, 27, of Philadelphia, who leaves for Iraq after the holidays for a 12- to 18-month deployment as an Army computer technician. It will be his third tour to the Middle East and his second to Iraq. “Now the rules have totally changed. You don’t know what’s going on,” he added. “You just have no idea who’s your friend and who’s your enemy.”
Mr. Basilio’s mother, Janet Bellows of Daytona Beach, Fla., said the bombing in Mosul, combined with the prospect of her son’s departure, have left her “absolutely devastated.”
“It’s like watching your son playing in traffic, and there’s nothing you can do,” Ms. Bellows said. “You can’t reach him.”
Polls show that many Americans were deeply concerned about the course of the war even before Tuesday’s attack. Out of 1,002 Americans surveyed last Friday and Saturday by the CNN/USA Today/Gallup poll, 47 percent said, when asked how the United States had handled Iraq during the past year, that things had gotten worse. Twenty percent said the situation had improved and 32 percent said it was about the same.
Some people said that polls themselves were part of the problem.
Charlie Eubanks, a cotton farmer and lawyer from the Lower Rio Grande Valley of Texas, said he supported President Bush but had been lukewarm about going to war. Now, he said there was no choice but to fight on, and that reports on opinion polls were only “aiding and abetting” the enemy by making opponents think the American will is weak.
“We’ve got to hang in there and get it done,” Mr. Eubanks said.
Some people said that part of what they struggle with is how to square the ongoing violence with their beliefs about human nature and decency.
“How to deal with the rebels and the insurgency – I don’t know. But I believe that people are inherently good and rational,” said Traci Sillick, a financial adviser from Broomfield, Colo. Ms. Sillick said she thought the nation should protect the soldiers, give them a clear mission, and then help the Iraqi people as best it can.
“I still don’t see any good coming from this,” she said. “I’m saddened and angered.”
Mike Lepis, 30, a small-business owner from Portland, Ore., on a visit to Atlanta, said the bombing reinforced the distinction in his mind between the troops fighting the war and the war itself. “I don’t agree with the war, but I support the troops,” Mr. Lepis said. “It leads me to believe we have less control when we can’t guarantee their safety. It’s particularly unsettling when you hear about violence in areas that are supposed to be secure.”
Carolyn Jolly, 50, a civilian employee of the Army in Fort Lee, Va., said the attack did not change her opinion that American forces should be in Iraq. But she is equally firm in her belief that they should get out as soon as possible. And she is worried.
“I think we should stay through the elections,” Ms. Jolly said. “I support the president’s plan up to there. But if we’re going to focus on Iraq without support of other nations, I see the violence increasing. I can’t see a democratic Iraq. So what are we doing there?”
And while some said the attack reinforced their belief that the Bush administration had failed in its goals, others found it hard to place blame.
Stan Joynes, a real estate lawyer and developer in Richmond, Va., said the administration was not upfront about what would be required in Iraq. But maybe, he added, the administration did not know either.
“We know now we weren’t getting the whole picture,” he said. “I don’t think they knew the whole picture.”
One military veteran, Bob Mayo, 73, who served in the Air Force from 1949 to 1957, said that increasing violence in Iraq was just a sign of desperation by the nation’s enemies.
“It tells me that they are worried that they are going to lose,” said Mr. Mayo, of Newcastle, Colo. “They are just trying to make it as painful as possible and they don’t care how they do it.”
Mr. Mayo said he would not characterize the situation in Iraq as getting worse. “There is no worse in war,” he said. “War is the worst thing that can happen.”
Another military veteran who has become active in opposing the war said the message of Tuesday’s attack was not desperation, but greater organization by the insurgents.
“It’s just like Vietnam: the longer we stay there, the more anti-American sentiment will be drummed up, the more organized the insurgency becomes,” said Mike Hoffman of Iraq Veterans Against the War and a former Marine lance corporal who was in Iraq from March to early May 2003. “Unfortunately, the longer we stick around, the more we’re likely to see attacks like this.”
Reporting for this article was contributed by Lisa Bacon from Richmond, Va.; Ariel Hart from Atlanta; Karen Hastings from Harlingen, Tex.; Gretchen Ruethling from Chicago; and Mindy Sink from Denver.
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December 19, 2004
FRANK RICH
2004: The Year of ‘The Passion’
By FRANK RICH
ILL it be the Jews’ fault if “The Passion of the Christ,” ignored by the Golden Globes this week, comes up empty in the Oscar nominations next month? Why, of course.
“Hollywood is controlled by secular Jews who hate Christianity in general and Catholicism in particular,” William Donohue, president of the Catholic League, explained in a colloquy on the subject recently convened by Pat Buchanan on MSNBC. “It’s not a secret, O.K.?” Mr. Donohue continued. “And I’m not afraid to say it. That’s why they hate this movie. It’s about Jesus Christ, and it’s about truth.” After the show’s token (and conservative) Jewish panelist, Rabbi Shmuley Boteach, pointed out that “Michael Moore is certainly not a Jew” and that Scorsese, Coppola and Lucas are not “Jewish names,” Mr. Donohue responded: “I like Harvey Weinstein. How’s that? Harvey Weinstein is my friend.”
How’s that? Not quite good enough. Surely Mr. Donohue knows that decorum in these situations requires that he cite a Jew as one of his “best friends,” not merely a friend. For shame.
As we close the books on 2004, and not a moment too soon, it’s clear that, as far as the culture goes, this year belonged to Mel Gibson’s mammoth hit. Its prurient and interminable wallow in the Crucifixion, to the point where Jesus’ actual teachings become mere passing footnotes to the sumptuously depicted mutilation of his flesh, is as representative of our time as “Godspell” was of terminal-stage hippiedom 30 years ago. The Gibson conflation of religion with violence reflects the universal order of the day — whether the verbal fisticuffs of the culture war within America, as exemplified by Mr. Donohue’s rant on national television or, far more lethally, the savagery of the actual war that radical Islam brought to our doorstep on 9/11.
“The Passion” is a one-size-fits-all touchstone, it seems. It didn’t just excite and anger a lot of moviegoers in our own country but also broke box-office records abroad, including in the Middle East. Most Arab governments censor films that depict prophets (Jesus included), even banning recent benign Hollywood products like the Jim Carrey vehicle “Bruce Almighty” and the animated musical “Prince of Egypt.” But an exception was made for Mr. Gibson’s blood fest nearly everywhere. It was seen in Egypt, Syria and Jordan. Among the satisfied customers last spring was Yasser Arafat, who called the film “moving and historical” — a thumb’s up that has not, to my knowledge, yet surfaced in the film’s low-key Oscar campaign.
Arafat’s animus was clear enough; an aide said at the time that he likened Jesus’ suffering, as depicted in “The Passion,” to that of the Palestinians at the hands of Israel. Our domestic culture war over religion is not so easily explained.
You’d think peace might reign in a nation where there is so much unanimity of faith. In Newsweek’s “Birth of Jesus” holiday cover article — not to be confused with Time’s competing “Secrets of the Nativity” cover — a poll found that 84 percent of American adults call themselves Christian, 82 percent see Jesus as the son of God, and 79 percent believe in the Virgin Birth. Though by a far slimmer margin, the presidential election reinstalled a chief executive who ostentatiously invokes a Christian Almighty. As for “The Passion of the Christ,” it achieved the monetary landslide of a $370 million domestic gross (second only to the cartoon saviors Shrek and Spider-Man).
Yet if you watch the news and listen to certain politicians, especially since Election Day, you’ll hear an ever-growing drumbeat that Christianity is under siege in America. Like Mr. Gibson, the international movie star who portrayed himself as a powerless martyr to a shadowy anti- Christian conspiracy in the run-up to the release of “The Passion,” his fellow travelers on the right detect a sinister plot — of secularists, “secular Jews” and “elites” — out to destroy the religion followed by more than four out of every five Americans.
In the latest and most bizarre twist on this theme, even Christmas is now said to be a target of the anti-Christian mob. “Are we going to abolish the word Christmas?” asked Newt Gingrich, warning that “it absolutely can happen here.” Among those courageously leading the fight to save the holiday from its enemies is Bill O’Reilly, who has taken to calling the Anti-Defamation League “an extremist group” and put the threat this way: “Remember, more than 90 percent of American homes celebrate Christmas. But the small minority that is trying to impose its will on the majority is so vicious, so dishonest — and has to be dealt with.”
If more than 90 percent of American households celebrate Christmas, you have to wonder why the guy is whining. The only evidence of what Pat Buchanan has called Christmas-season “hate crimes against Christianity” consists of a few ridiculous and isolated incidents, like the banishment of a religious float from a parade in Denver and of religious songs from a high school band concert in New Jersey. (In scale, this is nothing compared with the refusal of the world’s largest retailer, Wal- Mart, to stock George Carlin’s new best seller, “When Will Jesus Bring the Pork Chops?,” whose cover depicts its author at the Last Supper.) Yet the hysteria is being pumped up daily by Fox News, newspapers like The New York Post and The Washington Times, and Web sites like savemerrychristmas.org. Mr. O’Reilly and Jerry Falwell have gone so far as to name Michael Bloomberg an anti-Christmas conspirator because the mayor referred to the Christmas tree as a “holiday tree” in the lighting ceremony at Rockefeller Center.
What is this about? How can those in this country’s overwhelming religious majority maintain that they are victims in a fiery battle with forces of darkness? It is certainly not about actual victimization. Christmas is as pervasive as it has ever been in America, where it wasn’t even declared a federal holiday until after the Civil War. What’s really going on here is yet another example of a post-Election-Day winner-takes-all power grab by the “moral values” brigade. As Mr. Gibson shrewdly contrived his own crucifixion all the way to the bank, trumping up nonexistent threats to his movie to hype it, so the creation of imagined enemies and exaggerated threats to Christianity by “moral values” mongers of the right has its own secular purpose. The idea is to intimidate and marginalize anyone who objects to their efforts to impose the most conservative of Christian dogma on public policy. If you’re against their views, you don’t have a differing opinion — you’re anti-Christian (even if you are a Christian).
The power of this minority within the Christian majority comes from its exaggerated claims on the Bush election victory. It is enhanced further by a news culture, especially on television, that gives the Mel Gibson wing of Christianity more say than other Christian voices and that usually ignores minority religions altogether. This is not just a Fox phenomenon. Something is off when NBC’s “Meet the Press” and ABC’s “This Week,” mainstream TV shows both, invite religious leaders to discuss “values” in the aftermath of the election and limit that discussion to all-male panels composed exclusively of either evangelical ministers or politicians with pseudo-spiritual credentials. Does Mr. Falwell, who after 9/11 blamed Al Qaeda’s attack partly on “the pagans, and the abortionists, and the feminists, and the gays and the lesbians,” speak for any sizable group of American Christians? Does the Rev. Al Sharpton, booked on TV as a “balance” to Mr. Falwell, do so either? Mr. Sharpton doesn’t even have a congregation; like Mr. Falwell, he is a politician first, a religious leader second (or maybe fourth or fifth).
Gary Bauer and James Dobson are also secular political figures, not religious leaders, yet they are more frequently called upon to play them on television than actual clergy are. “It’s theological correctness,” says the Rev. Debra Haffner, a Unitarian Universalist minister who directs a national interfaith group, the Religious Institute on Sexual Morality, Justice and Healing, and is one of the rare progressive religious voices to get any TV time. She detects an overall “understanding” in the media that religion “is one voice — fundamentalist.” That understanding may have little to do with the beliefs of television news producers — or even the beliefs of fundamentalists themselves — and more to do with the raw, secular political power that the press has attributed to “values” crusaders since the election. “There is the belief that the conservative view won, and the media are more interested in winners,” says Frances Kissling, president of Catholics for a Free Choice.
Even more important than inflated notions of the fundamentalists’ power may be their entertainment value. As Ms. Kissling points out, the 50 million Americans who belong to progressive religious organizations are rarely represented on television because “progressive religious leaders are so tolerant that they don’t make good TV.” The Rev. Bob Chase of the United Church of Christ agrees: “We’re not exciting guests.” His church’s recent ad trumpeting its inclusion of gay couples was rejected by the same networks that routinely give a forum to the far more dramatic anti-gay views of Mr. Falwell. Ms. Kissling laments that contemporary progressive Christians lack an intellectual star to rival Reinhold Niebuhr or William Sloane Coffin, but adds that today “Jesus Christ would have a tough time getting covered by TV if he didn’t get arrested.”
This paradigm is everywhere in our news culture. When Jon Stewart went on CNN’s “Crossfire” to demand that its hosts stop “hurting America” by turning news and political debate into a form of pro wrestling, it may have sounded a bit hyperbolic. “Crossfire” is an aging show that few watch. But his broader point holds up: it’s all crossfire now. In the electronic news sphere where most Americans live much of the time, anyone who refuses to engage in combat is quickly sent packing as a bore.
Toss the issue of religion into that 24/7 wrestling match, as into any conflict in human history, and the incendiary possibilities are limitless. When even phenomena as innocuous as Oscar nominations or the lighting of a Christmas tree can be inflated into divisive religious warfare, it’s only a matter of time before someone uncovers an anti-Christian plot in “White Christmas.” It avoids any mention of religion and it was, as William Donohue might be the first to point out, written by a secular Jew.
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Holland Daze
From the December 27, 2004 issue: The Dutch rethink multiculturalism.
by Christopher Caldwell
12/27/2004, Volume 010, Issue 15
Amsterdam
THE SMALL CITY of Schiedam, on the Nieuwe Maas river near Rotterdam, has played a big role in the Dutch imagination of late. Five years ago, the historian/journalist Geert Mak entranced the country with a long narrative called My Father’s Century. It is still in bookshop windows and is now in its 27th printing. It begins in Mak’s great-grandparents’ sail-making business in Schiedam, and follows the lives of his family members as they collide with Dutch history in the twentieth century: the Dutch Reformed faith they drifted in and out of, the herring they ate, how much money they made, what it felt like to live under Nazi occupation, their shyness (or boldness) about sex, the jokes they told, and how they faced the 1960s. The book consoled Dutch people that however tumultuous the changes the 20th century had wrought, there was an ineffable “Dutchness” that somehow perdured. Schiedam played the role in the Dutch imagination that Macomb County, Michigan, or Luckenbach, Texas, did in the American imagination in the mid-1980s: You could look there to see how the “real” people in the country lived.
Early this month, another Schiedam native, a 30-year-old man known in his police dossier as Farid A., was found guilty of issuing death threats over the Internet. When the conservative Dutch politician Geert Wilders described Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat last year as a “terrorist leader,” Farid A. posted a picture of him on an Islamist website urging: “Wilders must be punished with death for his fascistic comments about Islam, Muslims, and the Palestinian cause.” That was a year ago, and since then, Wilders has done even more to tick off Muslim radicals. He left the conservative Freedom and Democracy People’s party (VVD) after a personal spat with the party leadership, promising to launch his own “Geert Wilders List,” along the lines of the one-person movement that turned the gay populist Pim Fortuyn into the most popular politician in the Netherlands in early 2002. Wilders has focused on Turkey, crime, and the unsustainability of high immigration. He has warned that many of the more than 1 million Muslims who live in the Netherlands “have already opted for radical Islam,” and has urged closing extremist mosques.
There is a market for his forthrightness. In early November, a poll in the left-leaning daily de Volkskrant showed that Wilders could win several hundred thousand votes, which would translate into nine seats in the Tweede Kamer, the lower house of the national legislature. When the gadfly filmmaker Theo van Gogh was shot and knifed in southeastern Amsterdam on November 2, the letter that his killer pinned with a knife to his corpse contained a promise to do the same to the Somali-born feminist VVD member of parliament Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Wilders got similar threats shortly thereafter. There were two results for Wilders. First, his popularity shot through the roof: A second poll in de Volkskrant showed Wilders would now win almost 2 million voters, taking 28 seats, or a fifth of the parliament, and that he was drawing support across party lines and in every single sector of Dutch society, despite–or perhaps because of–perceptions that he is a single-issue candidate.
But Wilders also had to go into hiding. He now appears in public only for legislative sessions in the Hague, where he travels under armed guard. He complained in mid-December that the death threats had hampered his ability to build his party. The head of a conservative think tank told newspapers he had been advised by security personnel to stay away from Wilders. Anyone who declared himself for one of those 28 seats that looked ripe for the plucking would thereby place himself on a death list, too. One strange but highly professional video that can be downloaded off the Internet shows drawings of machine guns, then photographs of Wilders with Ayaan Hirsi Ali, and then captioned panels reading:
name: geert wilders
occupation: idolator
sin: mocking Islam
punishment: beheading
reward: Paradise, in sha Allah
In early December, an appeals court in the Hague confirmed the punishment of Farid A. of Schiedam. He was sentenced to 120 hours of community service.
Only the beginning
This is why the murder of one Dutch filmmaker 911 days after the assassination of Fortuyn is described by people in Holland as having had the same effect on their country as the attacks that killed nearly 3,000 in the World Trade Center towers. Dutch people have the sense that, for the first time in centuries, the thread that connects them to the world of Geert Mak’s father, and that world to the world of Erasmus and Spinoza and Rembrandt and William the Silent, is in danger of being snipped. Part of it is the size and the speed of the recent non-European immigration. The Netherlands, with a population of 16 million, has about 2 million foreign-born. By some estimates, a quarter of them do not speak Dutch.
What’s more, the public has been told for two decades now that they ain’t seen nothing yet, that this is only the first wave of a long era of immigration, which they’d better learn to love. The immigrants the country now hosts have been difficult to manage. Part of the problem is the interaction of high immigration and what was for years a generous, no-questions-asked welfare state: As many as 60 percent of Moroccans and Turks above the age of 40–obviously first-generation immigrants–are unemployed, in the only major economy in Europe that has consistently had unemployment at or below American rates.
Most of these immigrants are Muslims. Muslim immigrants had begun to scare people long before Pim Fortuyn, the charismatic populist, turned himself into the country’s most popular politician in the space of a few weeks in 2002, by arguing that the country was already overloaded with newcomers. (Fortuyn was assassinated by an animal-rights activist in May of that year.) Already in the 1990s, there were reports of American-style shootouts in schools, one involving two Turkish students in the town of Veghel. This past October, newspaper readers were riveted by the running saga of a quiet married couple who had been hounded out of the previously livable Amsterdam neighborhood of Diamantbuurt by gangs of Muslim youths. There were incidents of wild rejoicing across Holland in the wake of the September 11 attacks, notably in the eastern city of Ede. The weekly magazine Contrast took a poll showing that just under half the Muslims in the Netherlands were in “complete sympathy” with the September 11 attacks. At least some wish to turn to terrorism. In the wake of the van Gogh murder, Pakistani, Kurdish, and Moroccan terrorist cells were discovered. The Hague-based “Capital Network,” out of which van Gogh’s killer Mohammed Bouyeri came, had contact with terrorists who carried out bombings in Casablanca in 2003. Perhaps the most alarming revelation was that an Islamist mole was working as a translator in the AIVD, the national investigative service, and tipping off local radicals to impending operations.
The question naturally arises: If immigrants behave this way now, what will happen when they are far more numerous, as all authorities have long promised they will be? It has been estimated that the country’s two largest cities, Amsterdam and Rotterdam, will be “majority minority” very soon (Rotterdam is today at 47 percent), and already 65 percent of primary and secondary students in both cities are of non-Dutch parentage. London’s Daily Telegraph, citing immigration experts and government statistics, reported a net outflow of 13,000 people from Holland in the first six months of 2004, the first such deficit in half a century. One must treat this statistic carefully–it could be an artifact of an aging population in which many are retiring to warmer places. But it could also be the beginning of something resembling the American suburban phenomenon of “white flight,” occurring at the level of an entire country.
The pillars fall
Perhaps the Dutch did with immigration what most countries do with most things: They thought too much about their own history, and then misapplied it. The concept that Dutch political scientists use more than any other to describe their society is “pillarization.” For all that it is thought of as a Protestant society, the Netherlands is a quarter Catholic. Over the centuries a system of separate institutions developed. In the world of Geert Mak’s father, Catholics not only went to their own churches but also had their own schools, newspapers, trade unions, social clubs, and the like. Protestants lived in a similarly separate world. There was a secular pillar as well. Elites from these different walks of life met to carve out a modus vivendi among different confessional groups.
The Netherlands was a society with a high level of religious affiliation and intensity–as it still is in its own “Bible Belt,” which stretches in a rough southwest-to-northeast diagonal across the country. A political system that empowered church-affiliated organizations to perform temporal tasks created a mighty role for religion. That is why the world revolution of the 1960s–which was seen as a revolution against class in Britain, against de Gaulle in France, against the World War II generation in Germany, and against Vietnam in the United States–was seen in Holland as a rebellion against church authority.
The natural result was the libertine public square that will be recognized by any American who visited the Netherlands with a Eurail Pass at age 18–the Milky Way, the legalized prostitution, hashish in the “coffee shops,” the laissez-faire immigration policy, a law enforcement system whereunder you get 120 hours of community service for threatening to kill someone. The essential fact about this dispensation, at the political level, is that most Dutch people don’t like it. Eighty percent of Netherlanders tell pollsters their country is “too tolerant.” But the post-sixties tolerance seemed to have antecedents in the national mythology: Apostles of the new ethic claimed–without much justification–the mantle of the pre-Enlightenment tolerance that once led the Netherlands to welcome persecuted dissenters from across Europe: Huguenots from France, Jews from Spain, the Mayflower pilgrims from England.
This conflation of two regimes had its appeal even to conservatives who were unhappy with the new world of hashish, gay marriage, and euthanasia. Better to claim to be pursuing a difficult but very Dutch social arrangement than to admit to having been wiped out in a political struggle. The Dutch talked themselves into believing that this valueslessness was a perennial feature of their society. When immigrants began to arrive, authorities fantasized that they’d seen it all before–after all, they’d welcomed John Locke and René Descartes. So they could build up an “immigrant” or a “Muslim” pillar and then let it collapse into postmodern individualism, following the same historic route that Protestantism and Catholicism had taken, as if that route were the product of an iron historical law. In came an ultra-neutral, respect-centered vocabulary: Foreigners became “allochthonous,” as opposed to natives, who were henceforth “autochthonous.” In the 1980s, the government started creating Muslim schools. It poured public money into the construction of mosques.
There were two voices warning that history was not following this multicultural script. In 1991, Frits Bolkestein, the conservative statesman who occupies a position in Dutch political life that is an odd mix of Ronald Reagan and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, wrote a long article in de Volkskrant in which he warned that there was nothing inevitable about assimilation. Noting the threat of Muslim separatism to freedom of religion and freedom of expression, he warned, “Everyone in the Netherlands, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, is expected to obey the laws that stem from these principles.” He was dismissed as a reactionary, and worse.
The multicultural drama
In 2000, the journalist and literary critic Paul Scheffer wrote an article called “The Multicultural Drama,” which was the first attack from the left on this system of postmodern pillarization. For Scheffer, the system was a means of excluding Muslims, creating a kind of segregation by which people could “coexist without interacting.” Real pillarization of the sort that worked in the past rested on shared and nonnegotiable understandings of three things: language, history, and law. But Dutch society had become too self-loathing to insist on any of them. Now people weren’t even expected to learn Dutch. Scheffer complained that the Labor party (PvdA), to which he belonged, “wanted to cut the subsidies of cultural organizations that were not sufficiently concerned with ethnicity.” He threw up his hands at one educator who had questioned the relevance, in a world of high immigration, of teaching Holland’s history (“We’re not going to bother Turkish children with the Occupation, are we?”).
Dutch multiculturalism, when Bolkestein and Scheffer began to question it, was an unassailable certitude. Now it lacks a single full-throated defender. Wouter Bos, the new leader of the PvdA, many of whose members privately think the country has overreacted to the van Gogh murder, insists that “Islam is part of our country,” and faults those who, “under the pretext of women’s rights, try to claim that Islam doesn’t belong here.” He seems to want to punt the Netherlands’ problems away to blue-ribbon committees and international bodies when he warns that we “underestimate the international character of the threat we’re dealing with: radical political Islam.”
Nonetheless, Bos, too, has been stung by recent history, particularly his party’s great blunder of treating Pim Fortuyn (a former PvdA intellectual himself) as some kind of sociopath or prankster. Bos admits that in recent years, “tolerance became a pretext for not addressing problems.” When asked whether his party would enter a coalition with Wilders, he does not rule it out.
The man who has been the most ardent defender of the old multiculturalist model has himself received threats from Islamists, and travels with bodyguards. Amsterdam’s PvdA mayor Job Cohen was always so keen to embrace foreign cultures that Theo van Gogh (who was not above Jew-baiting) once wrote of him: “Of all the swindlers who have tried to pass off the fifth-column of goat-f–ers as some kind of an enrichment of our oh-so-marvelous multicultural society, Job Cohen is the most cunning.” Questions within the Muslim community about whether they ought to be happy living under a Jewish mayor first arose under the mayoralty of Cohen’s predecessor, Ed van Thijn, also Jewish, who ran the city in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Threats have been made, too, against Cohen’s deputy, the Moroccan-born alderman Ahmed Aboutaleb, who has his own security detail.
Many discussions of the Netherlands suggest that the country’s multicultural model is “under threat.” Maybe that was true a year ago. Now it would be more accurate to say there is a society-wide consensus that it has failed. Even before he left office in 2002, PvdA premier Wim Kok had begun tightening the country’s asylum laws, and under the conservative premiership of Jan Peter Balkenende, the reforms have picked up pace. One of the top priorities has been marriage laws. Several immigrant groups have an endogamy rate approaching 100 percent: Young, marriageable people return to their homelands to find a bride or groom and bring them back to Holland. Many Dutch believe the marriage laws are being abused simply to confer automatic citizenship and the right to welfare payments on as large a number of foreigners as possible. As a result, foreign spouses marrying Dutch citizens must now be 21 and speak Dutch, and their eligibility for welfare is not immediate. Education in foreign languages has been phased out, so the Dutch can concentrate on teaching their own endangered language.
Muslim Voltaires
But with the killing of van Gogh, the Dutch immigration crisis–which, as elsewhere in Europe, is a polite way of saying its Islam crisis–has moved to a higher pitch than in any other country in the West. Naturally, security concerns are also driving reform. Justice minister Piet Hein Donner wants tougher laws to permit holding terrorist suspects without trial. Most everyone in the Netherlands, whether they support or oppose it, believes something like the Patriot Act is coming to their country, too.
But on top of that, the Dutch public is being presented with an interpretation of their crisis that other publics in Europe are not. Namely, the view that the problem is not “radicalism” or “marginalization” or “fundamentalism” but Islam–that Islam and democracy don’t coexist well. There are several reasons that the debate has taken a different turn in the Netherlands, but primary among them is the presence of outspoken Muslims. Afshin Ellian is an Iranian-born legal scholar in his late 30s who is seeking to modernize Islam. He takes heart that scholars in Iran, particularly the imprisoned theorist of democracy Akbar Ghanji, are doing the same. Ellian himself is living under police protection.
When Ellian writes provocative op-eds in the country’s major journals, he gets dismissed by Muslims as a “fundamentalist of the Enlightenment.” They are not necessarily wrong. Ellian has a view of Western intellectual history that casts tolerance as the fruit of attacks on Christianity rather than of Christianity itself. He thus thinks that what Islam needs is its own Nietzsche, Voltaire, and Marquis de Sade. Four days after the van Gogh murder, he wrote an article entitled “Make Jokes About Islam!”
The most outspoken of these foreign-born Dutch, though, is the feminist member of parliament Ayaan Hirsi Ali. The daughter of prominent Somalians, she fled the country with her family when war broke out. When she arrived in the Netherlands in the early 1990s, via Saudi Arabia, she was still wearing a veil. She soon dropped it and began proclaiming the superiority of Western values to Islamic ones. She has spoken out against female circumcision, which is clandestinely practiced in the Netherlands and Belgium. She was elected to parliament in 2003 in the wake of the killing of Pim Fortuyn. Hirsi Ali has been under constant police protection since she described the prophet Mohammed as a “perverted tyrant” in the newspaper de Trouw two years ago and said she no longer believed in God. She wrote the screenplay for Submission, the violent and semi-pornographic movie about repression of women in Islam for which Theo van Gogh was murdered. Many of Hirsi Ali’s associates believe that she was the preferred target of the murderers, and that van Gogh was chosen only because they could not penetrate her security arrangements. They are probably right. She is in hiding and has not been seen in public since the killing.
Hirsi Ali, like Ellian, belongs to what one could call the écrasez-l’infâme school of reformers of Islam. She and Wilders recently cowrote a column in the NRC Handelsblad calling for a “liberal jihad.” Like Pim Fortuyn (who once said, “I have nothing against Moroccans; I have them in my bed all the time”), she has a tendency to taunt her political foes. And like Fortuyn, who could play up his gayness to an almost preposterous level of camp, she is aware that her outsider status makes her a natural leader for a society that fears it will die if it does not change, but would rather die than be accused of racism, gay-bashing, or Islamophobia.
So Hirsi Ali appears to many Muslims as the country’s premier moral monster, and to many Dutch people as something like Joan of Arc. It is her position on women’s issues that is potentially most explosive. Many European countries, notably France, are trying to recast arguments about the wearing of the Muslim headscarf as a matter of women’s rights, as if that will somehow mollify fundamentalists by moving the discussion from a religious plane to a political one. But it risks doing something different: moving the discussion from an interpersonal level to a psychosexual one. It conveys that the West hopes to assimilate Islam by stealing its women out of the seraglio.
The Dutch minister for immigration and integration is Rita Verdonk, a woman, as it happens. In late November she went to the town of Soesterberg to speak about “Dutch values.” There she was introduced to an imam named Ahmad Salam. He refused to shake her hand.
In the hours after van Gogh’s death, Verdonk had given a speech that had drawn fire from a representative of the radical, Antwerp-based Arab-European League, who likened her to Hitler. (“All she was missing,” he said, “was the little moustache.”) But that wasn’t what bothered Salam.
“I cannot shake hands with a woman,” the imam explained.
“Well, then,” Verdonk replied, “we have plenty to talk about.”
Christopher Caldwell is a senior editor at The Weekly Standard.
© Copyright 2004, News Corporation, Weekly Standard, All Rights Reserved.
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More Pregnancies, and False Alarms, in Winter
Wed Dec 22, 1:33 PM ET
By Alison McCook
NEW YORK (Reuters Health) – Sales of pregnancy tests typically soar in the first months of the year, as more women than usual tend to become pregnant — or just think they are, according to Inverness Medical, the makers of the Clearblue Easy pregnancy tests.
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Dr. Brad Imler, president of the American Pregnancy Association, told Reuters Health that most births occur in August and September — nine months after December and January. Furthermore, winter holiday months tend to be very stressful for women, and stress can cause women to miss their period — often the first sign of pregnancy, Imler said.
He explained that the best way to distinguish a true pregnancy from a false alarm is to focus on additional symptoms of pregnancy. These include tender or swollen breasts, fatigue, nausea, headaches, backaches and a change in appetite.
Women who have just missed a period but don’t feel anything else may not really be pregnant, Imler noted. “The absence of other pregnancy symptoms is probably the best clue that it is the stress of the holidays,” he said.
Women often become stressed during the winter months for financial reasons, Imler said, when Christmas brings “additional needs for spending.” Often, women are also responsible for the majority of the family’s gifts, cards and parties, he noted, and some women in school may worry about end-of-semester exams.
In addition, many women start the New Year with a resolution to exercise more, and a big shift in activity — such as going from no exercise to many workouts per week — can cause periods to be delayed, missed or lightened, Imler noted. Changes in menstruation are not necessarily a sign that women are exercising too much, he added, as long as their periods return to normal within one or two months.
More women tend to also want to conceive during the holidays, Imler said in an interview, in order to spend most of their pregnancies in the winter, when they can largely stay indoors and relax. In winter, women also can get “caught up in the spirit” of the holidays, when they spend happy time with family and children.
Women who have questions about problems with menstruation — and wonder whether they might be pregnant — can call the American Pregnancy Association toll-free support line at 1-800-672-2296, Imler said. He added that the line typically receives 32,000 calls per year.
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